Wednesday 6 December 2023

Two voices one challenge

                                         And ’tis not done.

    Th’ attempt and not the deed confounds us.

    Macbeth, Act Two, scene two.

In this post I focus on two recent expositions on Indigenous policy. The first by the Secretary of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, Glyn Davis, always an eloquent and thoughtful speaker, was aspirational and focussed on values and possibilities; the second by Pat Turner, was grounded in the hard scrabble of advocacy and holding governments to account.

 

In his IPAA Annual Address to the Australian Public Service 2023 (link here), Davis outlines his vision for the future of public administration and public policy in Australia:

 

The changes of the past 40 years are too profound, too entrenched. The options opened by technology, and public expectations of service delivery, suggest instead that future practice will be a hybrid.

A synthesis looms. There will be services, as now, for which government relies on competitive markets and external advice. The use of consultants in government will rebalance in light of public opinion, but we can never retain all necessary expertise within the public sector. Buying skills for some tasks will continue to be the right choice. We have many IT experts in government, but the reality of complex system design and implementation amid rapid technology change is unlikely to favour in-sourcing. The key is the decision about when to go to market. Evidence over four decades shows that outsourcing can be a valid choice, but is not intrinsically a better option.

We might anticipate therefore a broader mix of public and private provision funded by government, delivered by networks of government agencies, not-for-profit partners and sometimes private companies. These will form long term alliances around shared program responsibilities. Evaluation will guide further investment choice.

 

Davis then spent some time discussing the merits of place-based approaches to program and services delivery:

In a placed-based approach, local needs and priorities set the agenda. Participation, co-design and shared delivery all become essential. A placed-based approach asks the community to lead, local needs and priorities set the agenda. Participation, co-design and shared delivery all become essential…

Government follows, not leads … A place-based approach requires the public sector to cede control over inputs and outcomes. This does not sit comfortably with electoral cycles, or with ministers keen to make announcements. Instead it makes officials truly servants of the public. It will not be simple to align a place-based citizen approach with traditional public service auditing, reporting or accounting for results. Yet empowered communities provide a vital way to address consistent program failure. We will never close the gap if public servants in Canberra think we can solve the housing, health, employment and educational challenges of Papunya.

As I experienced when visiting central Australia earlier this year with colleagues from the National Indigenous Australians Agency, the women and men of Papunya have very clear ideas about what their community needs. They are frustrated by the lack of coordination between levels of government and by poorly directed investment. They are ready to lead. What they want is a say in local decisions. A voice even. A place-based approach calls into question much we take for granted about public administration. It extends an invitation for fresh thinking.

 

There is much more of interest in his speech, and I recommend it to readers. Davis’ speech deserves a longer and more detailed critique than I can provide here. On general matters, he too easily skipped over the structural issues evident from a close reading of the robodebt royal commission, or the issues raised by the recent ‘consultancy scandals, and public sector code issues’  as Davis euphemistically termed them.

 

The commentary on Indigenous issues was to my mind too short on analytic substance and too long on rhetoric. Of course, there is substantial merit in maximising local input and decision making in relation to service delivery, and place-based approaches have much to recommend them.

 

Yet the problems bedevilling the Indigenous policy domain reflect an incapacity of government and the public sector generally to successfully implement these aspirations. Place based approaches have been talked about by Indigenous Affairs Ministers since Brough in the early 2000s; Secretaries of Commonwealth Departments were made champions for specific communities; Peter Shergold (while Secretary of PMC) made on the ground implementation a focus and priority; the Rudd Government appointed a Coordinator General for Remote Indigenous services …. yet arguably in many cases the circumstances of community members have worsened.

 

At a deeper level, however, the meta message in Davis’s speech, exemplified in the bold text above, is that the problems of Papunya are not the responsibility of public servants in Canberra and Darwin. It is true that public servants cannot ‘solve’ problems by fiat, or by throwing money around like confetti, but the key structural and institutional settings that shape policy and hence the lives of Indigenous people in Papunya (and Western Sydney) are the responsibility of governments and hence public servants. The ‘housing, health, employment and educational challenges of Papunya’, and across every other place in the nation, are shaped by the political decisions made by governments, which are in turn both shaped by the advice provided by the public service, and particularly its senior echelons, in both Canberra and state and territory capitals. They are also shaped by the quality of service delivery. While delivery of services can be contracted out, or shared with local community organisations, responsibility for its quality and effectiveness should not and arguably cannot be contracted out by our elected governments. Yet that is the implicit (albeit perhaps unintended) message in Davis’s speech.  

 

Which brings me to Pat Turner’s important and insightful interview with host Larissa Behrendt on ABC Speaking Out (link here).

 

Turner is the Convenor of the Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Community Controlled Peak Organisations which plays a crucial role in the Joint Council that oversights the National Agreement on Closing the Gap. Her comments cover quite a bit of territory and again, I recommend the transcript be read in full.

 

Turner articulates her agenda as being centred on driving a change in life outcomes for Indigenous people which she defines as involving ‘a real say in shared decision-making’.  She notes that she has written to the Federal Government on behalf of the Peaks advocating a series of proposals on how the government could accelerate its efforts on closing the gap post referendum. These include the establishment of a closing the gap fund with contributions by all levels of government. She also argues that the key mainstream national agreements on housing, education and health should make much greater provision for ensuing that states and territories use these programs to close the gap.

 

In assessing the role of Governments to date, Turner doesn’t hold back:

At the Commonwealth level I have to say that we, the Peaks, have been doing the heavy lifting to ensure our people are properly supported by big funding agreements and arrangements, including the housing Australia Future Fund, the Housing and Homelessness National Agreement and the Social Housing Accelerator Fund. Now, these funds and agreements have billions of dollars in them, and so far, only 200m, out of those billions, has been earmarked for refurbishment of Aboriginal housing. This is simply not good enough. Housing is an absolute priority for our people and I’m really so proud and commend the people of Santa Teresa for the recent High Court’s decision on housing. This decision makes it clear that governments need to be doing so much more on housing and accord the priority to Aboriginal housing…

 

In relation to the post referendum policy context, Turners comments are interesting, focussing on the underlying meaning and purpose of the referendum rather than the semantics:

…. Actually, I don’t really want to use the word voice anymore, because I think it distracts. I think though our own self-determining bodies, our own bodies that will pursue our self-determination in the way that people decide at the local and regional levels, and government’s just one element of that. Do that independently of government, not you know, wait for government to come, and say well we want to set up regional, or national voice and we’ll do it this way, this is what we want you to do. I want our people to work that out for themselves.

 

Turner’s interview is important both for the messages it is sending to governments regarding the seriousness of Indigenous interests in pursuing better Indigenous outcomes, but also for the implicit criticism of government performance to date. Importantly she also has a message for the wider Indigenous leadership.

 

Both Davis and Turner are in effect speaking about the same issues. Davis focusses on the aspirational, Turner on the tangible challenges. Both are astute and inherently political bureaucratic operators, positioning themselves for the challenges ahead.

 

I would argue that Davis’s approach is largely defensive and passive, with an unfortunate meta message that while highlighting the opportunities for shared decision making implicitly seeks to absolve governments and public servants from responsibility for failure. Turner’s approach is more proactive, and inherently ambitious, but in seeking to cajole governments to do better fails to acknowledge the sheer size and complexity of the challenged facing the nation in changing for the better the life outcomes of residents in Papunya, Perth, Kulumburu, Western Sydney, Bruny Island, and the rest of this wide brown land.

 

 

6 December 2023

Friday 1 December 2023

Rebuilding Employment Services in Indigenous Australia: it’s time for action


Strong reasons make strong actions

History of King John, Act Three, Scene Four.

 

A major Parliamentary report, titled Rebuilding Employment Services, was tabled in Parliament last week. The report was produced by the House of Representatives Select Committee on Workforce Australia Employment Services. This media release (link here) by the Committee Chair offers a good high level summary of the thrust of the report. The full report (link here) provides a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the employment services sector, and represents the most fundamental review of the sector in some decades. An article in The Conversation also provides a high level overview (link here)

 

I don’t propose to offer a detailed summary or critique of the report as I do not feel qualified to comment on the detail. I would however note that the employment services sector is crucially important for First Nations people given their over-representation in the most disadvantaged cohorts of Australian society, and their extremely low employment status as can be seen by a quick look at the data for target 8 in the Closing the Gap dashboard (link here). In 2021, only 55 percent of First Nations people nationally were in employment, compared to 77 percent of the mainstream community.

 

The Committee makes the point at various points in its report that the Community Development Program (CDP) which operates across remote Australia was not part of the remit for this review, albeit there are clearly numerous cross over issues, not least the underlying principles that the new report is advocating in terms of the use of punitive sanctions and reliance on work for dole. The Government has spent the last year ‘consulting’ about a new remote jobs program, with very little substantive progress (link here). Given the crucial importance of employment to overall wellbeing, and the sorry state of remote Australia as documented in numerous posts on this blog (eg link here), it strikes me that the Government’s apparent decision to opt for a ‘go slow’ implementation approach is both self-serving and difficult to justify.  

 

Reading though the report, I thought there were three issues worth pointing for their relevance to Indigenous policy.

 

The first is recommendation 31:

Para. 9.122   The Committee recommends that the Australian Government:

         review the boundaries of Community Development Program (CDP) regions with a view to incorporating clearly urban areas (such as the southern area of Darwin) into mainstream employment services while allowing a ‘buffer’ or ‘overlap’ zone where people can choose to be allocated to CDP or mainstream services; and

         simplify the process for jobseekers who move regularly between remote and non-remote regions and give consideration to allowing a person to nominate one program through which they will be primarily serviced and stay attached to that service.

 

This strikes me as a reasonable recommendation, but a second order issue. Given the lack of progress to date of the reform of CDPO, it will likely be years before the issues raised here are addressed, not least because the parliamentary committee listed the recommendation for implementation in the medium term (Table 16.1).

 

The second issue is recommendation 49:

Para. 13.145 The Committee recommends that the Australian Government co-design and trial a ‘Work in the Community’ community employment program in a limited number of regional areas and places with entrenched disadvantage, including the following key elements:

         Voluntary participation and choice of placement.

         Projects that contribute to community development, identified based on mapping of community need.

         Jobs of varying duration and intensity with appropriate payment.

         Work-like experiences with skills development and in-work training.

         Success be defined around improvements in capability, health, mental health, connectedness, self-esteem, skills, and confidence rather than expecting entry into open employment in the first instance though open labour market pathways should be actively encouraged and facilitated.

The Australian Government should also consider providing a right of return to the program to give clients confidence and security to pursue open employment.

 

The discussion of this proposal can be found at paras. 13.136 to 13.145 in the report. Notwithstanding its tentative tone, the recommendation is in my view of huge potential significance. Whether it is picked up in urban and regional Australia is perhaps neither here nor there, but if it were to be applied in a much more wholesale manner across the CDP region (in essence remote Australia) where there is a structural shortage of job opportunities that makes the whole ’jobseeker’ model a nonsense, it would be a game changer. There is of course a need for more detailed work to be done to develop such an approach for remote Australia, to cost it out and to engage with relevant stakeholders. A proactive Minister and Government with real concern for improving Indigenous social and economic outcomes would grasp this recommendation and run with it. Obvious steps a Minister might take would be to task the NIAA to develop a policy paper fleshing out such a community employment program, its costs, an implementation strategy an assessing the risks and opportunities that might arise were it to be progressed. Such a paper might be produced within two months and fed into the May 2024 budget considerations.

 

The third issue worth noting is recommendation 68:

15.129          The Committee recommends that as a priority, even before a new commissioning model is fully developed and implemented, the Australian Government prioritise the recommissioning of First Nations specialist services in areas with high populations of First Nations jobseekers and jobseekers from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. Priority should be given to commissioning Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations.

 

The discussion underpinning this recommendation can be found in paras 15.114 -15.116. I wholly endorse this recommendation. The point I wish to make however is to note how this is a good example of a parliamentary committee adopting and taking seriously Priority Reform 2: Building the Community Sector set out in the National Agreement on Closing the Gap. The National Agreement is in my view the cornerstone of future Indigenous policy reforms in Australia and despite its shortcomings, it is encouraging to see its existence being implicitly recognised in the Committee’s work The Committee indicates that this recommendation should be implemented int eh medium term (Table 16.1). I suggest however that there is a need for more urgency, for the NIAA to map out an implementation plan in the short-term identifying the constraints and opportunities to moving more quickly and moving ahead. Whatever occurs in the mainstream program must also be implemented in the CDP operating in remote Australia.

 

Finally, given the significance of the issues dealt with in this report for Indigenous Australians, it is to be hoped that the Minister for Indigenous Australians and NIAA take a strong and proactive interest in pushing for the implementation of these reforms sooner rather than later. This is not a matter that should be left to the Employment portfolio alone.

 

Given the extended period of policy inaction that coincided with the national debate on the Uluru Statement and the proposed Voice, it strikes me that the obvious way to shift mindsets and rebuild trust is to push ahead with positive policy reforms that benefit Indigenous people across the board. The recommendations highlighted in this post are an obvious place to start.

 

 

1 December 2023