In 2003, the Noongar people lodged a single
native title claim over the south west of Western Australia.
In 2006, in Bennell v Western Australia (2006) 153 FCR 120,
Wilcox J of the Federal Court found that Noongar people were, subject to any prior
extinguishing acts, native title holders over the areas claimed. This decision
was overturned on technical grounds by a Full Federal Court decision in 2008 (Bodney
v Bennell 167 FCR 84) and the matter sent back for reconsideration.
With this litigation as a backdrop, the Noongar
representative body, the South West Land and Sea Council and the Western
Australian Government began discussing a settlement. This led to a Heads of
Agreement between the two parties being signed in 2009, and in 2013 the WA Government
released its settlement offer. Details of the background and elements of the
offer are available here.
This offer has been discussed at a series of community
consultation meetings across the south west region, and has been approved
in principle by the majority of Noongar native title holders. However some 107
objections to the registration of the relevant ILUAs have been submitted to the
National Native Title Tribunal and four applications have been made to the High
Court seeking to prevent the NNTT from registering ILUAs. The bulk, if not all,
of these objections are from within the Noongar community itself. This litigation
is currently on foot and will presumably take some time to be resolved. In the
meantime, the finalisation of the Settlement is in limbo.
Last week Sarah Bell, a Western Australian anthropologist
who had worked for the South West Aboriginal Land And Sea Council (SWALC) gave a
seminar at the ANU exploring the sources of the opposition to the proposed
settlement of the Noongar native title claims in south west Western Australia within
some elements of the Noongar community.
Bell’s research explores the roots of the opposition which
appears to emanate from a small but vocal minority of Noongar people. It
manifests itself in a focus on human rights, loss of sovereignty, the
concessions implicit in the agreement including agreement to give up all claims
to native title over the areas involved, and to future compensation.
While the rhetoric has a large emotional component, it is
clear that the motivations of those expressing scepticism about the actions of government
in seeking a negotiated settlement are based on a longstanding and more than
justified sense of distrust of government. Government, as the formal
representative of mainstream society, has been responsible for the dispossession
and cultural devastation inflicted on Noongar people over almost two hundred
years. And this leads them to the question: what has changed now?
For its part, SWALSC maintains that the benefits it has
negotiated are substantial and comprehensive and justify the concessions being sought
by the Western Australian Government. The SWALSC website lists the various
benefits, which include annual allocations to a ‘Future Fund’ of $50m pa
indexed over 12 years, the transfer of up to 320,000 hectares of various Crown
Lands, and various other provisions. Glen Kelly (the CEO of SWALSC) and Stuart
Bradfield make the case for the Settlement agreement in a recent book on native
title developments, Native
Title from Mabo to Akiba: A Vehicle for Change and Empowerment (reviewed here).
As part of the process of informing Noongar people, SWALSC
sought specific legal advice in relation to the merits of the settlement offer,
and this is available on their web site (link here).
The advice is very insightful in that it lays out the very substantial impediments
to a successful native title claim, including such pragmatic factors as that
the judge at first instance has now retired, the anthropologist whose research
underpins the claim, and his informants, may no longer be available through to
the significant legal risks arising from the substantial resources which will
be devoted to disproving the claim by the WA Government.
The advice adds that to go a further step and seek to claim
compensation for native title which has been extinguished since 1975 (when the Racial Discrimination Act was enacted) presents
a further order of difficulty. Finally the advice confirms what has been clear since
1993, namely that the Mabo Decision is about property rights and not
sovereignty. Australian law gives no joy to anyone claiming to have retained sovereign
rights against the Crown.
I have laid all this out because Ms Bell’s seminar caused me
to reconsider my own position that the Noongar Settlement is the way to go. To
date my view has been that the Noongar are on the right track in seeking to
negotiate a settlement. Litigation is always expensive, uncertain, and hence
risky. Moreover the benefits negotiated appeared to be substantial, and they
will be certain and flow much more quickly than anything derived from
litigation. In addition, I had not seen any coherent argument to the contrary.
I am not persuaded by the rhetoric of the Noongar dissenters
(while I acknowledge their history and absolute entitlement to the views they
are expressing). In other words, it is not that I now believe that a settlement
is inappropriate. However the question arises in my mind: what are the
appropriate terms of such an agreement?
The answer to that question is one for SWALSC and the Noongar
people as a whole. The dilemma they face, and which I wish to highlight, is that
they are operating under two significant constraints: they face a considerable
level of uncertainty as to the underlying position of the Western Australian Government,
and the law on compensation for extinguishment of native title is still in a state
of flux, with a number of current
cases ongoing in relation to the extinguishment of native title.
The Western Australian Government has vast experience in
managing native title issues, and the WA Premier has the advantage of having as
his Departmental CEO Peter Conran, a highly professional and capable bureaucrat
with deep experience of land rights and native title across a number of jurisdictions.
This tells me that the WA Government would not have entered into this Settlement
Agreement without good reason.
There are two potential reasons. The first is a desire for
certainty, something on which governments (and corporations) place great store.
Certainty is always desired, but I doubt that it would drive the negotiation of
a billion dollar agreement such as we have on the table in WA at the moment.
The second would be that the WA Government knows that they
have extinguished areas of potential native title since 1975, and while these
extinguishments will have been validated by the Native Title Act (this was the
core of the grand bargain entered into by the Indigenous Interests and the
Keating Government in 1993) compensation will be payable. Where the (extinguished)
native title involved is exclusive possession, then there is every chance that
the values which will be applicable approach (or even exceed) freehold. When we
bear in mind that areas involved include the Perth metropolitan area, and its
surrounding suburbs and towns, and reflect on the expansion of urban
development since 1975, we can see that the scope for significant compensation
liabilities is significant. Just a single subdivision of 500 house blocks valued
at say $500k each would total $25m, suggesting that the proposed $600m ‘Future
Fund’ may not be particularly generous.
Of course, there may be no such areas of native title
extinguished, and there may be no native title across the areas involved.
However, given the deep scars arising from both dispossession of Aboriginal
people, and the concomitant loss of their cultures, and as a consequence severely
diminished life opportunities, there is in my view a strong case in social justice
terms for Governments to be more transparent about their underlying legal
positions in cases such as this.
I am certain that the Western Australian Government knows
whether they have extinguished potential native title land since 1975, and probably
has an estimate of the potential value of such land. The extent of the generosity
of their offer in the proposed Settlement Agreement can only be judged with
access to that information.
Governments will claim that there is a commercial imperative
to retaining confidentiality regarding their worst case scenarios. While I don’t
necessarily accept this (it is another way of saying that Indigenous citizens
should wear the majority of the costs of settlement and dispossession), one approach
would be for the WA Government to commit to releasing their internal advice
five years after the agreement has been finalised.
In the absence of any such transparency, it seems to me that
there would have been a strong case for the Noongar negotiators to insist on
some sort of review process (say in forty years) or acknowledgement of government’s
fiduciary responsibilities to Noongars which would open up the opportunity to
revisit the agreement in the event that it becomes apparent that the agreement represents
an unjust outcome.
The second substantial issue which arises from the
Settlement Agreement (assuming it is implemented) is that all the risk of
ensuring that the funds and benefits which transfer are effectively managed
fall on SWALSC and the Noongar people. This is not a unique problem; many native
title groups face similar challenges. It is not clear to me how well prepared
Noongar people and their organisations are to meet this challenge. What I have
learnt over thirty years in public policy is that strong governance, backed up
by resolute corporate regulation will be a key component of successfully
meeting these challenges. Governments, in both Canberra and Perth, have a role
in ensuring that the corporate regulation framework governing the investment,
distribution and allocation of funds from native title agreements are
appropriately oversighted. This is an area where Governments could do significantly
better.
My final observation is to note the length of time which is involved
in resolving the Noongar claims and the proposed settlement agreement, and to
make the obvious point that this necessarily exacts a huge toll on the participants
involved. Notwithstanding the internal conflicts which have emerged, the
Noongar people, and their leaders, appear to have handled the process in an
exemplary fashion. The broader community rarely steps back to acknowledge the
ongoing imposts on Indigenous people who are merely seeking to use the
convoluted and arcane legal systems we have put in place to achieve just a
modicum of justice.
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