The NT Minister for Local Government and Community Services,
Bess Price, has released
a report commissioned from PriceWaterhouse Indigenous Consulting (PIC) into
the Northern Territory’s Sacred Sites Protection legislation.
She has also announced that the Government
will move to ‘strengthen sacred site protection’ by immediately beginning work
on implementation of nine of the report’s recommendations, but failed to
indicate which nine recommendation were to be implemented. The reference to “see
below” in the media release provides no information on the nine recommendations
which have been accepted. Hopefully this is an oversight and will be remedied
quickly. The reference in the media release to “my government’ suggests that
the release was originally drafted for the Chief Minister (who has responsibility
for Indigenous affairs), but that a decision was made to reduce his profile in
the issue.
The release of the report now, three months after its
finalisation in April 2015, is unfortunate. It seems designed to send a
positive message to Indigenous voters in the lead up to the coming NT election while
deferring any contentious announcements or decisions till later. The NT
election is scheduled for 27 August this year.
The PIC Report appears both comprehensive and thoughtful,
and provides a useful summary of the history of Indigenous site protection in
the NT (and beyond). It lays out an accessible roadmap to the intricacies in
the site protection regime in the NT, involving both Commonwealth and NT
legislation, and an inevitable myriad of thorny cross cultural and policy
conundrums.
I don’t propose to summarise the report, nor discuss every
element, but have picked out three areas which deserve comment.
The first is to reflect on the purpose of the review, as set
out in the Terms of Reference (emphasis
added):
The purpose of the Sacred Sites
Processes and Outcomes Review (the review) is to investigate the extent to
which the Northern Territory Aboriginal
Sacred Sites Act 1989 (the Act) supports
economic development in the Northern Territory. The review will examine the
scope and operation of the Act as well as the strategic and day-to-day
operations of the Aboriginal Areas Protection Authority (AAPA), the statutory
authority set up by the Act to carry out the functions set out within it. The
review should provide advice on:
1. Areas in which the Act might
be strengthened to improve protections for sacred sites
2. Areas in which the Act might
be strengthened to reduce red tape and
provide certainty and improved processes for economic development in the Northern Territory
3. Ways in which the Authority
can:
a. Become more efficient
b. Balance the need for development with the need for protection of sacred
sites.
The terms of reference (attached as an Appendix to the PIC
report) were clearly designed to facilitate findings which would tilt the
playing field to assist commercial proponents to navigate the statutory requirements
of the Territory’s heritage protection regime with greater ease.
Governments increasingly see every problem through the lens
of economic development and jobs, and while this is a legitimate aspiration for
any society and its government, it becomes problematic when it is the only lens
through which policy issues are considered and assessed.
The second issue relates to the issue of compensation for
damage to sites. The terms of reference identified this as an issue which
should be considered, and PIC has recommended in favour of establishing a
formal framework for the determination and payment of appropriate compensation
to the traditional owners of sacred sites damaged by developers (see pages
34-36 of the Report).
This is an intriguing issue, as there are in my view arguments
both for and against the proposal. Indigenous societies (as the report points
out) involved customary processes for the punishment of breaches of customary
law, and for the payment of compensation as a means of redressing such
transgressions. There are more than a few instances of damage to sites by
developers, mostly unintended or negligent, but sometimes deliberate. Where
this happens, at present, there is no easy way for the owners of sites to be compensated
short of litigation with all its risks and costs.
On the other hand, a move to a more flexible system which
provides for compensation to be routinely paid will change the cost/benefit
equation facing developers, and may have the (unintended?) consequence of increasing
activities which place sites at risk of damage or destruction. The mantra “act
now, pay later” may become an easier way to operate when profitable developments
are facing firm opposition from traditional owners. This ‘moral hazard’ issue is
exacerbated by the fact that the costs of compensation will most often be
business expenses which are tax deductive for commercial interests.
Perhaps the solution can be found in careful drafting of the
relevant provisions. On balance, my own inclination tends to reluctance to
change the existing arrangements (contrary to the recommendation in the
Review).
The third issue worth a brief comment relates to the
recommendations relating to the governance and staffing of the NT Aboriginal
Sacred Sites Authority. The report recommends some changes to the Board
structure which appear sensible, but goes on to recommend that the CEO be
appointed by the Board and not the Minister, and that the current confusion
over the public service status of Authority’s staff be fixed by amending the
legislation (which currently provides that the staff of the Authority be
employed on public service terms and conditions). In effect, the
recommendations take the Authority a step further away from Government and its
status as a government corporation.
My own perhaps counter-intuitive perspective is that there
are benefits to having the Aboriginal Sacred Sites Authority clearly located within the NT Government. Such
positioning makes it harder for governments to distance themselves from the
decisions of the Authority, and thus will serve as a prophylactic against future
marginalisation of the Sites Authority and its important remit. While there is
merit in the Authority Board selecting their CEO, there would be merit in
providing the relevant Minister with a veto power over the appointment so that
there is a shared responsibility. There is certainly precedent for this sort of
arrangement in some Commonwealth statutory agencies.
Finally, given the forthcoming NT election, there would be
merit in knowing where the Labor Opposition stands on the issues raised by the Sacred
Sites review. They will require some time to consider a position, but Territorians
deserve to know their position in advance of the election. The same applies to
the Government; notwithstanding having had three months to form a view, their ‘announcement’
so far is all rhetoric and no substance.
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