As mentioned
in a recent post, this is an area where the Government can point to substantial
policy success. It aligns with the Government’s focus on economic development
and clearly benefits Indigenous interests. It has the ancillary benefit of
signalling to the majority of Indigenous Australians who live in non-remote
areas that the Government is doing something for them, by supporting Indigenous
owned businesses, and via the employment effect arising from the fact that Indigenous
owned businesses are more likely to employ Indigenous people.
Here is the
PMC webpage
on the IPP. Here is the link to the
key policy document.
Here are the
current high level statistics on IPP performance taken from the PMC website:
The
Indigenous Procurement Policy supports Indigenous economic development
·
1,509 contracts
·
valued in total around $284.2 million
·
493 Indigenous businesses
In the
first full year of the Indigenous Procurement Policy, targets were exceeded
·
Target: 0.5%>
·
Actual: 2.9%
Commonwealth
procurements with Indigenous businesses increased from $6.2 million in 2012-13
to $284.2 million in 2015-16
Contracts
were awarded to businesses of all sizes, across Australia:
·
Average value: $188,326
·
63 valued at over $1 million
The Parliamentary
Library blog FlagPost recently published this
excellent post on the IPP, which draws attention to the fact that the
vast bulk of the financial benefits flowing to date from the IPP can be traced
back to the Defence Department’s success in implementing the policy.
The genesis
of the IPP can be traced back to the emergence of SupplyNation (formerly the
Australian Indigenous Minority Supplier Council) which was founded by Michael McLeod
and Dug Russell in 2009 and was modelled on the US National Minority Supplier Development
Council. The then Government provided three years of funding as a pilot in
2009. See the short history of SupplyNation here.
Over the past seven years, SupplyNation has received in excess of $11m in government
grants, plus raised substantial revenue in membership fees. It appears to have
had quite regular turnover in Board members (which include both Indigenous and corporate
Directors) and senior staff.
SupplyNation has clearly been well supported by
the business sector and some key corporations.
For reasons
which are unclear, SupplyNation have not published annual reports for the 2015
and 2016 financial years. However, SupplyNation’s most recent financial reports
are available
here on the ACNC website.
While the
IPP has made huge progress in a relatively short period, admittedly off a very
low base, it appears to have considerable potential for further progress.
This raises
the question: what fine tuning would best prepare the program to take on the
challenges of the next decade?
Answering
that question requires answering a number of subsidiary questions. What is the
role of SupplyNation in driving current performance? Is it operating
effectively? Are the IPP targets currently set appropriate? They appear to have
been exceeded by such a margin that there may be a case for raising them
significantly. What is the relationship between numbers of contracts and contract
value? Where do the benefits flow – in more contracts, or in higher value
contracts? What is the Indigenous ‘employment effect’ of winning a government contract?
Can it be leveraged further, and if so, how? Where is the potential for
greatest future growth, both in terms of portfolios, industry sectors and
geographic regions? And what have been the challenges for individual portfolios?
Other issues
requiring ongoing attention include risks and risk mitigation which are
essential elements in successful programs. For example, are there issues
related to Indigenous businesses over-extending themselves, or becoming
over-reliant on government contracts? Is there potential for gaming the program
by non- Indigenous businesses utilising Indigenous front men and women to create
the appearance of an Indigenous entity and thus gain a competitive edge? How
effective is the cross portfolio coordination in awarding IPP contracts? And is
there scope to broaden the base of potential Indigenous business suppliers to Government
and if so, how might that be best encouraged.
These are
all complex questions to which there are no obvious answers at present. The obvious
way to begin to answer them would be a forward looking review or evaluation of some
kind. Such a step appears timely and would go a long way to ensuring that what
has arguably been the current Governments greatest policy achievement in Indigenous
affairs is placed on a secure foundation and positioned to consolidate and
expand over the next decade.
Of course,
the larger issue in Indigenous policy relates to the role of economic development
in addressing Indigenous disadvantage. While there is undoubtedly an important
role for encouraging Indigenous participation in business, and in employment, other
policy sectors such as health, education, social security, law and justice and
even the arts require sustained policy attention, and can deliver substantial
policy dividends (which can even include economic benefits) if successfully managed.
The challenge is to successfully address the whole policy spectrum and find
policy solutions which deliver gains in each sector.
This is a
long winded way of saying that simplistic nostrums (such as private sector
good, public sector bad) will not work. The IPP will be most successful to the
extent that it supports, reinforces, and supplements a more sophisticated and
balanced set of policy approaches across the span of Indigenous citizens
aspirations. The jury is still out on whether the government can transform the
considerable success of IPP to date into a sustained and substantive driver of
more effective social transformation across the Indigenous policy spectrum.
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