All things are ready, if our
minds be so.
Henry V, Act 4, scene 3.
The ABC interviewed Tony Burke, the Minister for Employment
and Workplace Relations, this morning on the status of negotiations with the
cross-bench. He claimed that the Government now had the support of Independent
Senator Pocock to pass the Government Industrial Relations Bill. In explaining
the terms of the Government’s concessions, he listed a third change outside his
portfolio dealing with the establishment of an independent panel of experts to
provide public advice on welfare payments prior to each budget. The ABC is
reporting the proposal in the following terms (link
here):
Finally, the third change sits
outside the scope of these laws but could be consequential for people on
government support payments such as JobSeeker.
An independent panel will be
established every year to review the level of support payments — such as
JobSeeker — ahead of each federal budget.
That advice to the government
will have to be published at least a fortnight before the budget is handed
down.
Senator Pocock said he was
happy with the changes, and the new review of support payments was a
"game-changer" for those living below the poverty line.
The Guardian’s report (link
here) emphasised the role of the Committee in providing advice on the
structural challenges of inclusion:
On the ABC’s Insiders Burke
revealed that a third plank of the deal would create “a new statutory advisory
committee made up of experts that, in the lead-up to every budget, will provide
independent advice as to the structural challenges on economic inclusion”.
The committee would review
“the different rules and the levels of payments to provide independent advice
to the government, as those budgets are put together”, Burke said.
I wanted to make two brief points regarding this proposal.
First, if implemented, it will amount
to a fascinating precedent of the Parliament and the Executive Government being
prepared to make policy decisions under a carapace of public independent advice.
While it will not constrain the freedom of movement available to governments
and the Parliament, it represents a sensible and overdue addition to the public
information base on policymaking decisions that will, for better or worse, substantially
affect the poorest quintile of the Australian population. This change can only
add to the quality of policymaking in a domain where governments have
traditionally been prone to disregard the very tangible impacts of their policy
decisions on people’s lives. Given that the panel is described as a ‘statutory
advisory panel’ it seems that Senator Pocock has — wisely in my view — ensured
that these changes will be legislated.
The parallels with the proposed Indigenous Voice are
obvious and provide a clear rationale for why a legislated mechanism for the Voice
is overdue. Of course, there is a world of difference between a focussed expert
Advisory panel with a remit to provide key structural advice on one narrow set
of issues, and a proposed Indigenous Voice with a remit across numerous functional
issues including health, education, social security, environment, heritage,
land rights, and so on. Mastering the technical policy expertise to add value on
a broader front will be a major challenge for the Indigenous Voice if and when
it is established.
The second point worth
considering is that this mainstream mechanism will impact proportionally more Indigenous
citizens than mainstream citizens. The AIHW (link here) has
noted that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people disproportionately
receive government cash pension or allowance as their main source of income
compared to non-Indigenous Australians.
My very rough back of the envelope calculations suggest
that the indigenous proportion of the lowest income quintile is around 7
percent, almost double the Indigenous share of the population overall.
Whatever the actual proportion, the key takeout is that the
effectiveness of the newly proposed mechanism is of major significance to Indigenous
interests, as its analysis and recommendations will disproportionately impact
the 45 percent of the Indigenous population whose major source of income comes
from government payments. These citizens are not limited to the lowest income
quintile (see below).
To my mind, this is a structural reform with
huge potential over time for mitigating the poverty levels within the Indigenous
community and more generally amongst the poorest Australians.
Appendix for those who are interested in the
derivation of the 7 percent figure.
The calculations below are back of the envelope only and in
particular depend for their accuracy on the income levels of those newly
identified Indigenous citizens added between the 2016 and 2021 censuses.
The ABS (link
here) reports that
As at 30 June 2021 there were
984,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, representing 3.8% of the
total Australian population. This is an increase of 185,600 people (23.2%)
since 30 June 2016.
In other words, the 2016 Indigenous population was around
800,000
The AIHW reports (link here)
that
The 2016 Census of Population
and Housing (Census) found that almost 4 in 10 Indigenous adults (37%) were
living in households with the lowest equivalised gross weekly household income
(1st quintile), almost twice the proportion of non-Indigenous adults (20%). One
in 10 (10%) Indigenous adults were living in households with the highest income
(5th quintile). Among non-Indigenous adults, there was an even spread across
all five income quintiles.
The same link notes that:
The 2018–19 National
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Survey (Health Survey) found that
the main sources of income for Indigenous Australians aged 18–64 were employee
cash income (44%; 195,700) and government cash pension or allowance (45%;
200,200) However, based on responses from the 2014–15 National Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey, 47% of Indigenous Australians aged
18–64 received a government cash pension or allowance as their main source of
income, compared with 14% of non-Indigenous Australians.…..
….There exists a large gap in
understanding the implications of income support and its association with
health, despite 45% of Indigenous Australians aged 18–64 receiving income
support as their primary source of income in 2018–19.
If we take just the lowest quintile, 37% of the 2016
population equates to 296,000. If we assume the Indigenous proportion in the lowest
quintile is roughly the same as in 2016, the Indigenous population in the
lowest income quintile will be around 364,000. The Australian population is
estimated at just above 25.9 million in 2022 (link here). If
we assume the mainstream population remains evenly spread across the five
income quintiles, then the lowest income quintile will have a population of
around 5.2 million. The indigenous proportion is around 7 percent, almost
double their share of the population overall.
I'm not as sanguine as you about the Independent Panel I'm afraid. The Guardian are reporting that "the panel will be led by the treasurer and social services minister" which makes me wonder how it can be termed "independent".
ReplyDeleteIt's efficacy, as far as I can tell, will mostly be in creating a media event which pressures government to act, a bit like the annual CTG address. And like the annual CTG address, I expect it to be characterised with performative hand-wringing, "oh, we care about the poor very much but the dire economic circumstances cannot support a raise in the rate, we wish the budget situation were otherwise but there's really nothing we can do".
Hope you're right and I'm wrong.