Showing posts with label Senator Pocock. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Senator Pocock. Show all posts

Monday, 24 February 2025

The Missing $41m payment from AMT to ARAC: a trust deficit

 

Round and round the cauldron go;

In the poisoned entrails throw….

Sweltered venom, sleeping got,

Boil thou first i’th’ charmed pot.

Macbeth, Act four, Scene one.

 

In my previous post (link here), I provided commentary on a number of the Questions on Notice asked by Senator David Pocock. I mentioned in that post that I would deal with this question in a separate post. Unfortunately, it involves both a convoluted narrative of events and some accounting issues. The bottom line however is much simpler: a Senator asked a question in good faith based on allegations made in correspondence from residents of Groote Eylandt, and received a dismissive, misleading and probably substantively incorrect response from the NIAA which we must presume had the endorsement of the Minister which raises more questions than answers.

Here is the question and answer provided:

Senator David Pocock’s Question #8

In an article dated 20 July 2024, The Saturday Paper referred to correspondence to your predecessor signed by dozens of Groote residents which alleged that an amount of $41m was paid from the Anindilyakwa Mining Trust (AMT) to the Anindilyakwa Royalties Aboriginal Corporation (ARAC) but which has not been accounted for. A recent review of the relevant publicly available financial statements pertaining to ARAC appears to confirm this. There is also explicit evidence that the ALC effectively controls ARAC and has a direct role in managing ARAC finances. Is the Minister/NIAA aware of the $41m payment and if so has the matter been investigated? If not, will the Minister instruct the NIAA or ORIC to advise her regarding the $41m payment and the circumstances of its payment by the AMT and receipt/utilisation by ARAC?

NIAA Answer #8

The NIAA has made enquiries regarding the recognition of payments made from the Anindilyakwa Mining Trust (AMT) to the Anindilyakwa Royalties Aboriginal Corporation (ARAC) and has been informed that reporting differences arose because of the entities recognising these transactions in different financial years. The NIAA notes that the accounting records of both entities are subject to independent audit. Detailed questions regarding the recognition of financial transactions of the ALC and associated entities should be directed to the ALC.

Below I set out my detailed commentary on the answers to the question and various related issues:

Comment mcd #8

I have previously posted contextual comments on this issue in three posts. The posts were titled Royalties, flawed governance and non-transparency: a potent brew (link here) dated 26 July 2024; The Anindilyakwa Royalties Aboriginal Corporation: micro accountabilities; macro policy implications (link here) dated 3 August 2024; and Annual Reports on Groote: an unconventional assessment (link here) dated 18 January 2025. I strongly recommend that readers keen to understand the context within which the AMT, ARAC and the ALC operate read these posts, especially the first two.

In the light of the NIAA answer provided above I sought to revisit the financial statements for the relevant periods. I was surprised to find that the 2022 Audited Financial statements for ARAC had been removed from the ORIC website without explanation. I find this somewhat strange especially given its relevance to the issues raised by the correspondents form Groote referred to in the Saturday Paper article. I requested a copy and was provided one, but as of 24 February 2025 it has not been published on the website. Financial statements for the previous years which I had obtained from ORIC in 2024 have still not been published on the ORIC website. Given that section 35(2) of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 requires land councils to distribute section 64(3) royalty equivalent payments on to CATSI corporations, there would seem to be substantial merit in the Registrar ensuring that the financial statements of CATSI corporations in receipt of such payments are published on the ORIC website. In any case, should readers wish to read the relevant financial statements I cite below, I suggest you contact ORIC direct.  

The basic facts are as follows.

The 2022 AMT financial report lists under the heading Grants a payment to ARAC of $41,324,957.

The 2022 audited financial statement for ARAC under the heading Revenue records a s.64(4) grant from the ABA of $9.6million (which would have been approved by the Minister) and a grant of $14.3m in s.35 payments from the ALC (the equivalent amount in 2021 was $34.8m). Total income is listed as $23.0m. There is no record of any grant being received from the AMT.

The 2023 audited financial statements for ARAC identify a series of grants and other revenue, including $31.9m in section 64(3) payments from the ALC.  Total income for 2023 is $40.2m. In addition, an amount of $8.1m in investment income is recorded. There is no record of a grant or payment for $41.3m being banked in the 2023 year.

In neither ARAC financial report is there a line item showing a payment of $41,324,957. The explanation provided to the Senate by NIAA that the payment was recognised in a different financial year is thus prima facie incorrect. Moreover, it has the effect of misleading the Senate and the wider community. That is not to say there may not be a perfectly appropriate explanation, but without a forensic audit that identifies the bank account(s) into which the AMT payment was deposited, we will never know.

The comment in the NIAA answer about the financial affairs of the relevant entities being independently audited reeks of either naïveté or an attempt at gaslighting. Auditors can make errors or be provided with incorrect information.

As pointed out in my previous post on ARAC (link here) and extracted in the Appendix below, the ARAC 2022 financial statements identify the cancellation of an infrastructure debt commitment (for $39m) from AMT to ARAC. Whether the auditor was misinformed or failed to follow up the issue, it is clear that the $41m was not deposited in the 2022 year (and not in a later year) and that this is reflected in black and white text in the 2022 financial statement. This reinforces the conclusion that the unidentified person who the NIAA consulted regarding the transaction has misled them; they in turn have misled the Minister and she in turn has misled the Senate (given that Ministers approve or are responsible for answers to Questions on Notice).

Rather than focussing on the independence of auditors while providing incorrect information, NIAA should perhaps focus on the persons who do have the requisite knowledge, namely, the Directors of ARAC. The Directors of AMT and of ARAC were identical and apart from independent Directors were also ALC Board members (see the discussion in my earlier post ‘a potent brew’ (link here). Both the AMT and ARAC Boards considered and formally resolved to approve and certify as true and correct the financial statements for the respective entities in the 2022 year. Prima facie (even on a hypothetical assumption that the NIAA explanation is correct) there appears to have been a failure of the ARAC Board to identify the absence of the $41m grant in ARAC’s revenue for 2022 and 2023. Has the Minister or NIAA requested the Registrar of Aboriginal Corporations to investigate this prima facie error? In this context, see the comments in my recent post on annual reports (link here) related to the ARAC Board’s decision to purchase at considerable cost (sourced from funds notionally provided for the benefits of traditional owners) personal liability insurance for the Directors. Did this decision raise any concerns with the Registrar or the NIAA when it was reported in the ARAC financial statements? And if not, why not?

The assumption that in the face of allegations of a missing $41m, that NIAA, the ALC’s regulator, would ask a person they fail to identify for an explanation and then accept that explanation without being taken through the detailed figures that would allow the allegation to be put to rest, seems at best naïve and incompetent. The fact that this explanation is confidently provided to the Senate as if there is nothing to see here is extraordinary. It reeks in my view of indifference, deliberate disregard, obfuscation and disrespect.

The whole purpose of the Estimates process is to allow Senators to obtain an explanation from the Executive arm of the activities of agencies and corporations within a legislative framework that is entirely the responsibility of the Minister. If the NIAA can’t provide the assurance the Senate seeks, they should themselves take the action necessary to obtain it for Senate. ARAC is not an entity that appears before the Estimates Committee and is incorporated under the CATSI Act that comes within the Minister’s portfolio. The ALC which appears to exercise effective control over ARAC and assists with its bookkeeping and preparation of financial statements is within the Minister’s portfolio. The former CEO oversighting ARAC’s bookkeeping has been dismissed by the ALC at a meeting attended by the NIAA on grounds which the Minister has seen fit not to make public. The former CEO’s spouse (who has not been mentioned in any of the public statements related to the termination the CEO by the ALC and the Minister) was at various times an employee of the ALC working in the Royalty Development Unit that assisted corporations such as ARAC with their finances and operations.

Conclusion

Given the complex web of potential and actual conflicts of interest in play, and the fact that there is a missing $41m also in play, the Minister and the NIAA have an obligation in my view to do much better than they have with this answer and the others discussed in my previous post.

Indeed, given the extraordinary refusal to agree to commission an independent forensic investigation (bearing in mind that not all malfeasance will necessarily be corrupt or criminally illegal), it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Minister and NIAA are, through their inaction and deliberate obfuscation, contributing to the social and economic harm that will inevitably emerge once the full ramifications of the maladministration on Groote becomes apparent.

The Minister and her agency are accruing a substantial trust deficit through her unwillingness to be transparent on what has transpired within the ALC and its associated entities. Given the standard of answers provided to the Senate in response to Senator Pocock’s questions, that trust deficit will inevitably continue to grow unless decisive action is taken. My recommendation is that the Minister should immediately request the ANAO to undertake or commission a comprehensive and independent forensic audit of the operations of the ALC and its associated entities over the past seven years.

Without such decisive action, the levels of distrust will at some point reach a tipping point where wider political consequences will take hold and potentially destroy the current institutional framework of land rights as we know it. In the meantime, the fallout will inevitably have adverse impact not just on the constituents of the NT land councils, but on those nominal servants of the public interest who have been prepared to look away while the cauldron of distrust boils over.

 

Appendix

The following text is taken from my previous posts and provides more contextual detail on the information above. It has been lightly edited.

Extract from Royalties, flawed governance and non-transparency: a potent brew

The AMT/ARAC financial transactions

The notes to the 2016 Financial statements for the AMT which are available on the on the ACNC website (link here) include the following text:

12 Commitments During the year ended 30 June 2016, Anindilyakwa Mining Trust committed to contributing $3,500,000 to the Economic Development Unit (which has been established by the Anindilyakwa Land Council) on or prior to 30 June 2018. The first instalment of $500,000 was made during the 2016 financial year. 

The notes to the 2017 AMT Financial Statements state that the first instalment of $500,000 was made during the 2016 financial year and the second instalment for the first year of $500,000 and the first instalment for the second year of $750,000 was made during the 2017 year.

The notes to the AMT 2018 financial statements comment:

12 Commitments During the year ended 30 June 2016, Anindilyakwa Mining Trust committed to contributing $3,500,000 to the Economic Development Unit (which had been established by the Anindilyakwa Land Council) of which $1,000,000 was paid during the 2016 financial year and $750,000 was paid during the 2017 financial year. During the 2018 financial year, an instalment was made for $1,250,000. Therefore, as of 30 June 2018, the Trust has a $500,000 outstanding commitment.

During the year ended 30 June 2017, Anindilyakwa Mining Trust committed to contributing $51,122,311 to Anindilyakwa Royalties Aboriginal Corporation (ARAC) for costs associated with the purchase of infrastructure and funding of the operational budget. During the year, $6,000,000 was paid to ARAC. Therefore, as of 30 June 2018, the Trust has a $45,122,311 outstanding commitment. [mcd comment 24 Feb 2025: it is worth noting that the payment of $6m from AMT to ARAC was transparently listed in ARAC’s revenue for the 2018 FY. A clear contrast with 2022 and 2023.]

The 2019 AMT financial report included a note indicating in relation to the 2016 commitment, a further instalment of $500,000 had been paid thus meeting that initial commitment. The note also states that in relation to the 2017 commitment, the AMT had paid an instalment in the 2019 FY of $5,975,000, thus leaving an outstanding balance to be paid of $39,147,311.

The 2020 and 2021`AMT financial reports note that no payments had been made and the outstanding commitment remained at $39,147,311. The Notes to the 2021 AMT financial report note that the outstanding amount was paid in FY 2022; this suggests the payment was made in the first half of the financial year. The 2022 AMT financial report lists under the heading Grants a payment to ARAC of $41,324,957. No rationale is provided for why the amount has increased from $39m to $41m.

There are no further payments reported in the 2023 AMT financial report.

The 2022 financial statement for ARAC was previously available on the Registrar of Aboriginal Corporations website. It has been taken down (link here). Under revenue, it records a s.64(4) grant from the ABA of $9.6million (which would have been approved by the Minister) and a grant of $14.3m in s.35 payments from the ALC (the equivalent amount in 2021 was $34.8m). Total income is listed as $23.0m. There is no record of any grant being received from the AMT. Nor is there any record of such a grant being banked in the following financial year.

That a payment of $41m appears to have disappeared is somewhat strange. It is even stranger when one considers that the AMT has no staff and its administration appears to be undertaken by Mutual Trust, an established and highly experienced financial services firm, that ARAC has no staff (see the 2022 ARAC General Report) and its office is at 58-62 Macleod Street Cairns, the same address where the Commonwealth transparency portal lists ALC’s Finance and Royalty Development Unit (RDU) employees being located. The staff servicing ARAC Board meetings and probably implementing Board decisions (including managing income and payments) are likely part of the ALC’s Royalty Development Unit, a small team in Cairns. Clearly a forensic audit is required to determine the reason for the apparent disappearance of these funds. I should acknowledge that I was alerted to the issues around the missing $41m by the recent story in the Saturday Paper (link here).

 

Extract from The Anandilyakwa Royalties Aboriginal Corporation: micro accountabilities; macro policy implications

Each of the six ARAC financial reports from 2017 to 2022 inclusive include a statement, signed by two Directors and resolved by the Board, outlining the corporation’s purpose as follows:

The Corporation's operations purpose [in its first year] has been, to hold assets and manage statutory royalty equivalents and negotiated royalties in such manners as determined by the Anindilyakwa Land Council, consistent with its goals for effective, responsible and sustainable use of such royalty flows [emphasis added].

This statement appears to make plain that the ALC exercises direct control over the operations of ARAC….

… In my previous post I noted that the payment of $41m from the AMT to ARAC did not appear to be accounted for in the ARAC 2022 financial statements. With the availability of the previous year’s reports, it was possible to track the recording of an amount of $39,147,311 as an ‘AMT infrastructure debtor’ in the ARAC 2020 and 2021 financial reports. In 2022, the year that the AMT paid ARAC $41,324,957, there was no record in ARAC’s Financial statements of any such grant being received. However, there was a line item now called Payment in Advance (whereas it was previously termed AMT Infrastructure Debtor) which showed an outstanding debt of $39,147,311 in the previous year, but nil in the current 2022 FY. Rather than resolving the problem, this treatment of the outstanding commitment, whether intentional or not, obscures the recipient of the payment while acknowledging that the commitment no longer applies. [The discrepancy between the amount of $39m and $41m appears to be related to differing CPI treatments of the original commitment by the AMT and the ALC].

 

24 February 2025

Friday, 21 February 2025

Nothing to See Here: NIAA’s answers to recent Senate Questions related to Groote


Let’s talk of graves, of worms, and epitaphs,

Make dust our paper, and with rainy eyes

Write sorrow on the bosom of the earth.

Richard II, Act three, Scene two.

The NIAA has provided answers to a series of Questions on Notice lodged By Senator David Pocock following the last Estimates Hearings in November 2024 (link here). The questions related to the ongoing situation on Groote Eylandt, the status of various issues within the Anindilyakwa Land Council and the NIAA’s actions throughout this rather sorry and complex saga.

Given that there appears to be few external parties taking an interest in these issues (apart of course from the ongoing NACC investigation which may not report for months), I feel it is incumbent upon me to provide some commentary if only for the record. For the larger context, I recommend readers look at my previous post and in particular, the article I co-authored with Bill Gray in the Mandarin (link here).

In this post, I have focussed on those answers which I consider to be inadequate. In a subsequent post, I will address the issues raised by the answer to Question #8.

I have italicised the questions and the NIAA answers and indented my comments in relation to each answer.

 

Senator Pocock Question #1

Will the Minister initiate an independent, comprehensive, forensic audit into the administration and operations of the ALC and of those Aboriginal Corporations that received funding determined by the ALC, so that the new Board of the ALC can move ahead in confidence to regain the trust of the Anindilyakwa community and other key stakeholders, and achieve the standard of governance that will ensure the ALC can properly represent its people and achieve its mission? If not, why not?

NIAA Answer #1

The former Minister for Indigenous Australians, the Hon Linda Burney MP referred concerns regarding Anindilyakwa Land Council (ALC) governance and operations to the National Indigenous Australians Agency (NIAA) for review and action as required. In response, the NIAA commissioned an independent review of the ALC’s responses to the Australian National Audit Office (ANAO) governance audit and has subsequently been overseeing the ALC’s actions to improve its governance, transparency and accountability.

The NIAA has and will continue to refer all relevant matters to law enforcement and other agencies as required. 

Comment mcd #1

A preliminary and more general point: The NIAA is under the direct control of the Minister. Both she and her agency have regulatory responsibility for the ALC (and for the Registrar of Aboriginal Corporations who is the regulator for CATSI Corporations who are the beneficiaries of section 64(3) payments). Any shortcomings of the NIAA are ultimately the responsibility of the Minister. Any failure to answer questions asked are a failure of the Minister as well as her agency.

The Minister/NIAA have not answered the question regarding the forensic audit. The so-called ‘independent’ review commissioned from BellchambersBarrett was constrained in its terms of reference and focussed only on the formal ANAO recommendations and not on the wider issues which were identified by the ANAO in its fine-grained analysis. The NIAA and the ALC were involved in finalising the BellchambersBarrett Report, and for this reason it was clearly not independent. The answer refuses to contemplate an independent forensic review and fails to provide any assurance that this is covered off in some other way. The deeper question this raises is why? Why won’t the Minister initiate the action required to get to the bottom of what has transpired on Groote? Why doesn’t she want to the public to know?

Senator Pocock Question #3

Can the Minister confirm that the conflicts of interest identified by the ANAO in May 2023 and again more recently in the BellchambersBarrett review of August 2024, have now been addressed to the satisfaction of the Minister and NIAA?  If not, what are the issues still outstanding?

NIAA Answer #3

The ALC has developed a schedule of activity to address the ANAO and Bellchambers Barrett recommendations, including those associated with conflicts of interest management. The NIAA has been overseeing the ALC’s performance of those activities and is satisfied that implementation of acceptable arrangements for conflict of interest management will be progressive over the forthcoming months. The conflicts of interest noted in relation to the former ALC Chief Executive Officer (CEO) have been resolved following the termination of Mr Hewitt and his removal from positions in all associated entities. The current ALC Board Chair does not hold any of the positions that gave rise to the conflict of interest concerns in relation to the former Board Chair.

Comment mcd #3

The question has not been answered. The answer makes clear that the Minister is not yet in a position to be satisfied (“acceptable arrangements for conflict-of-interest management will be progressive…”), yet they have not gone on to identify the issues that remain in progress.

The unqualified assertion that the termination of Mr Hewitt and the election of a new Chair addresses the conflicts of the past is problematic. It ignores the complex web of influence previously exercised by the former CEO and his spouse, and the inevitable expectations on Groote that the benefits flowing form those prior arrangements will continue. The current status and oversight of the various positions and financial interests previously held by Mr Hewitt’s spouse remain completely obscure.

One important but unintentional revelation of this answer is the reference to Mr Hewitt’s ‘removal from positions in all associated entities.’ How was this achieved? Did the Minister and NIAA give Mr Hewitt and his spouse some kind of ultimatum to resign (and if so what was the quid pro quo) or did the ALC direct the ‘associated entities’ to dismiss him, thus confirming that they in fact exercise control over these entities? The public interest requires that clarification and answers to these questions be provided.

Senator Pocock Question #4

Has the Minister/NIAA approved any arrangements for the management of the conflicts of interest that were identified in the ANAO and Bellchambers Barrett reports? If so, will the Minister please table those arrangements.

NIAA Answer #4

Formal approval of the ALC’s conflict of interest arrangements is the responsibility of the ALC Board in consultation with the ALC Audit Committee and ALC management.

Comment mcd #4

The implication is that the Minister and NIAA have not approved any arrangements for the management of conflicts of interest. The ALC has been riven with actual and potential conflicts of interest for at least six years; this Blog has previously identified and discussed many of them. Without ministerial engagement and approval of the actions being put in place, there is no guiderail in place to prevent the re-emergence of conflicted influence over decision-making in the future. Moreover, without a forensic audit, it is unclear whether the pre-existing conflicts of interest led to misallocation of funding and resources (with detrimental impacts on individuals and corporations on Groote), and whether there is remedial action required to rectify such misallocations. The laissez-faire approach of the Minister and NIAA is patently inadequate and represents in my view a serious lapse of ministerial responsibility. The minister has numerous and far-reaching powers under ALRA to play a direct role in the ALC’s administration for however long it takes to establish a new set of watertight operational procedures.

Senator Pocock Question #5

Can the Minister confirm that the Aboriginal residents of Groote Eylandt have not been subject to predatory commercial behaviour and financial losses arising from the actions of the former CEO, his spouse and the former Chairman of the ALC? If not, what action is she taking to ascertain the extent of the potential losses to the community?

NIAA Answer #5

As previously noted, the former Minister referred concerns regarding ALC to the NIAA for review and action as required. The NIAA has and will continue to refer all relevant matters to law enforcement and other agencies as required.

Comment mcd #5

One obvious problem with this answer is that not all commercially predatory behaviour will be illegal or corrupt. If it is the case that legal and non-corrupt predatory behaviour has occurred, the question becomes: is the Minister prepared to allow the officers and staff of agencies within her portfolio to engage in such behaviour, and more directly, why was she not prepared to take action within her regulatory powers when she became aware of such activities rather than hiding behind the convoluted and time-consuming processes of law enforcement agencies?

Given the deliberate policy of minimising the disclosure of relevant information, we do not know if the issue of potential predatory commercial behaviour was even of concern to the Minister or her predecessors, nor whether it is of concern to her today.

What were the concerns that she referred to the NIAA and onwards to law enforcement? When were those concerns formally referred to the various agencies? Which agencies received referral? How long transpired between the Minister and her agency becoming aware of the concerns and referrals being made? Why won’t she indicate the general nature of those concerns? I am sure the people who are the subject of any investigations understand that investigations are underway. Why keep the public in the dark? What has the Government got to hide?

The bottom line is that the answer to this question is deliberately designed to hide crucial accountability information. This is not in the public interest.

Senator Pocock Question #6

According to the ALC website, in the period 2019 – 2023, the ALC distributed $361m of s64(3) monies to various corporations and organisations on Groote Eylandt. Can the Minister/NIAA confirm that these distributions were determined by the ALC in compliance with the provisions of the ALRA, including s23(3) & s23 AA of the Act?

NIAA Answer #6

Distributions were determined by the ALC in compliance with the provisions of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (ALRA).

Comment mcd #6

This answer exudes unwarranted confidence. In my view it is both misleading and wrong. Section 23AA requires the ALC to undertake its functions inter alia, in a fair manner. The ANAO identified a series of payments to corporations where the ALC CEO played a major role in the application and/or was on the Board or had a conflict. The obverse of this favouritism is unfairness to the traditional owners who might otherwise have been beneficiaries.

The ALC’s effective control of associated corporations (in my view implicitly acknowledged in the actions taken by the NIAA to have Mr Hewitt vacate all his positions on associated entities) is itself an effective breach of the legislative requirement that land councils pay 64(3) payments to (independent) corporations and not to an entity it controls.

The provision (s.23(1)(ea)) that allows land councils to assist local corporations has a rider that such assistance must not cause the land council ‘to incur financial liability or enable it to receive financial benefit’. The ANAO found instances where the ALC could not demonstrate that this was the case. More substantively, where a land council effectively controls a corporation, then the liabilities of the corporation are those of the land council. This inevitably leads to a breach of section 23(1)(ea).

In a grave error of judgment, the NIAA and Minister appear to have lost sight of both the first and second Laws of Holes (link here). They should stop digging, and the Aboriginal citizens on Groote are still in a deep hole.

Conclusion

The answers to the questions above are in my view deliberately obfuscatory, are incomplete and by failing to provide the full story have the effect of misleading the Senate. In some cases, they are just wrong. This is a continuation of the approach adopted from the first day the ANAO tabled its performance audit in May 2023, which is best described as a policy of ‘nothing to see here!’ At best, this involves putting the political interests of the Government above the public interest. At its worst, it is much more serious than that. It erodes trust in Government and diminishes the quality of our democracy.

The failure to get to the bottom of what has transpired on Groote (not all of which will necessarily meet the definition of corruption, or criminal behaviour) will lead to ongoing and deep-seated disadvantage to the Aboriginal population of Groote Eylandt and may have wider implications for the viability of the core institutions established by the Commonwealth’s NT land rights legislation. These disadvantages will certainly be political, and financial, but most importantly they will also have social consequences for the fabric of community life on Groote. This is the tragedy that is unfolding.

 

21 February 2025