There have been a number of recent developments of interest
in the Indigenous policy space which will likely be overwhelmed by the release
of the annual close the gap statement this week. Set our below are brief
comments on the release of the NT Government’s new Aboriginal Affairs strategy,
a new evaluation report from the Castan Centre on the NT Intervention, and the
passage of an amendments package to the AIATSIS legislation.
NT Government
Aboriginal Affairs Strategy
The NT Chief Minister and Minister for Aboriginal Affairs,
Adam Giles MLA issued a new Aboriginal Affairs Strategy. His press release is here, the policy
document itself is here.
I confess to mixed feelings in relation to this announcement –the focus of the
press release is understandably on Indigenous employment targets, contracting
targets for Aboriginal businesses, and public service targets. In each of these
areas, progress looks positive.
The policy document ticks all the right boxes (although
glossing over the issue of school attendance and focussing instead on
‘retention’), is written in an accessible and easy to read style, and
emphasises the Government’s commitment to engagement with Aboriginal
Territorians. Moreover, it commits the Government to a detailed monitoring and
evaluation process, and reflects a ‘whole of government’ approach to
administration of Aboriginal policy issues, which involves the Chief Minister's
Department in oversighting line agencies who have functional service delivery
responsibilities. The Commonwealth could learn from the Territory in this
respect.
My reservations relate to what is not included in the policy
document, namely the absence of any description of the choices and trade-offs
the NT Government will be making in key policy areas, the absence of any detail
on the pathways it seeks to pursue to achieve some of its policy objectives
(for example in relation to land policy), and the total absence of any data
relating to the levels of resourcing for Aboriginal issues, and particularly
for remote communities.
Of course, the Commonwealth is a huge player in NT
Indigenous affairs policies, by virtue of the fact that the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory)
Act 1976 is federal legislation, and the fact that the Stronger Futures
funding and policy frameworks, which replaced the NT Emergency Response (better
known as the NT Intervention), in many respects dwarf the NT Government’s
efforts and capabilities. The NT Government’s policy document is thus strangely
silent on the Commonwealth’s role in Indigenous affairs strategies in the NT.
The Castan Centre
Report on the NT Intervention
The Castan Centre for Human Rights Law at the Monash University
Law School released a
report evaluating the NT Intervention against key human rights principles.
I don’t propose to undertake a comprehensive critique, but will content myself
with noting that while the initial policy actions were draconian, unjust and
arguably misguided and misdirected, the policy framework has been substantially
and comprehensively overhauled in the eight years since it was initiated. This
makes policy evaluation difficult, but also opens up a risk (to which I would
argue many critics have succumbed) that the anti-intervention political
rhetoric has not been adjusted to take the subsequent policy changes and
developments into account.
Moreover, the process of reconceptualising the NT Emergency
Response as the Stronger Futures policy framework involved very substantial
levels of investment, in the billions of dollars, over the past decade. While
Government policies need to be justifiable on their own terms, and of course
ought to meet our domestic and international human rights obligations, the
reality is that without the difficult political challenges thrown up by the
Howard / Brough actions, Labor would not have made these investments and
numerous Aboriginal communities across the NT would be languishing without the
facilities and infrastructure which have been funded by the Stronger Futures
investments. The critics of the NT intervention invariably ignore these
positive outcomes.
Of course there is still a legitimate judgement to be made:
do the negatives outweigh the positives? Views will differ on this, but I would
make two points: the first is that reasonable people might reach different
conclusions on this question; the second is that while it is now hypothetical
and notional, arguably Aboriginal people in the NT should have a say in making
such a judgment. The elephant in the room here is that our systems of policy
development and political decision making do not appear to have found a way to
engage Indigenous interests prospectively in these types of calculations.
Amendments to the
AIATSIS Act
The Parliament has passed an amendments
package to the AIATSIS legislation which establishes the Australian
Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. The legislation
appears to be largely uncontroversial and I understand it was developed in conjunction
with the AIATSIS Council. AIATSIS is an important part of the institutional
landscape in Indigenous affairs, as its library and collections are unique and
extremely valuable resources in documenting the place and achievements of
Indigenous peoples within the nation. The legislation has been allocated to the
education portfolio under the current Administrative Arrangements Orders,
whereas I would argue that if should sit within the culture and heritage arms
of Government. A key issue for the future will be funding as these sorts of
institutions always have difficulty justifying their budget bids and are in
many ways soft targets as budget pressures grow.
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