In a recent post at the blog Club Troppo, the invariably stimulating
and innovative Nicholas Gruen ruminates on the dilemmas of Indigenous
recognition, reconciliation, closing the gap, symbolism versus substance, and the
insidious dangers of ‘memefication’. His post ‘Seeking traction in the swamp of
identity politics’ (link
here) is well worth a read, as is the YouTube clip he attaches of Steven Oliver
reciting his poem ‘Hate he Said’.
There was much in the post which I agreed with,
particularly the frustration with symbolism in the face of deep-seated
disadvantage, the absence of a coherent strategic agenda from the Indigenous
leadership, and the assessment that the power structures which allow Indigenous
disadvantage to continue are primarily non-Indigenous (notwithstanding Peter Sutton’s
and Noel
Pearson’s well-made arguments pointing to the role of Indigenous agency in
determining social outcomes and arguing in favour of an Indigenous responsibility
agenda).
I was however slightly disturbed by the note of pessimism
Nicholas struck: his comment on the
boredom elicited from hearing yet again of the deep-seated disadvantage facing Indigenous
citizens; and his resort to contemplation of technicist interventions/solutions
notwithstanding the systemic lack of commitment to implementation which Nicholas
recognises (correctly) to be ubiquitous; and finally the note of despair (or is
it desperation) which emerges from the final paragraph which returns to the
truism that symbolism won’t solve or resolve all issues, but which also doesn’t
attempt to offer a way forward.
Let me quickly emphasise that I am not singling Nicholas out
here – he expresses a set of views which I think are widely shared. I also recognise
this pessimism and tendency to despair in my own thinking about these challenges.
But it seems incumbent upon those of us who focus on these issues to at least
move toward identifying substantive, and Nicholas’ post caused me to ask: well what
would I propose?
My proposals here are not intended to be comprehensive;
there is no silver bullet, nor a short term fix. These proposals are as much a ‘note
to self’ as a critique of others given my own propensity to ‘go with the flow’
and too quickly accept that it is all too hard.
Here are three proposals (perhaps more accurately termed ‘ideas’)
designed to make a long term difference:
First,
mainstream Australia is too quick to dismiss symbolism; it is not sufficient to
resolve deep-seated disadvantage, but as a nation we have comprehensively
underestimated the deep, ongoing and inter-generational psychological impact of
cultural dispossession. The statistics on Indigenous mental
health are testament to this. Symbolic actions by governments, corporations
and individuals all have an important role to play in healing this insidious damage.
Paradoxically, for many if not most Indigenous citizens, many ‘symbolic’
actions by mainstream Australia are actually demonstrations of good faith with tangible
consequences for the way they feel about their status as citizens and the ways
they see themselves within the Australian society and polity.
Second, as
a nation, and in our public policies, we display remarkably little commitment
to enabling and encouraging informed Indigenous choice in all sorts of contexts.
There will be areas where society imposes its own rules (road rules; taxes, mandatory
education) and reasonable people will differ on how far society should go, but
within the realm of the Indigenous domain however large or small that might be,
we should actively support and acknowledge the potential for different choices
to be made. Too often, we step in and impose solutions, views, conditions,
pre-requisites and the like; and just as often we fail to support Indigenous preferences,
choices and decisions, and more covertly, we undermine Indigenous ways of
deciding, and choosing.
An example is the limited support the nation provides for
the maintenance of Indigenous languages, and our extraordinary incapacity to
recognise the potential value for all Australians that might derive or be
sourced from the extraordinary cosmologies, natural history and environmental
insights and knowledge which go hand in glove with language.
Encouragingly, the Federal Government recently announced
new funding for language support. The world, not just Australia, will be a poorer place if
in 100 years we are left with only one or two spoken Indigenous languages.
Third, I
propose that perhaps the single most transformative change we could adopt as a nation
in relation to Indigenous citizens would be to adopt a constitutional prohibition
against racial discrimination directed against all races. The nation was
established and founded upon notions of racial superiority, and while we have
made great strides as a nation in overcoming racial discrimination, we have a
long way to go. The Racial Discrimination Act (section 18C aside) attracts
broad support, yet it is vulnerable to the whim of the Executive and a potentially
populist Senate, not just now, but into the indefinite future.
I am under no illusions that this is an extremely
contentions proposal/suggestion, that tactical or pragmatic considerations can
make it seem like an utopian aspiration, and that it will take years if not
decades to achieve. But it is an issue which affects all Australians, and the failure
of non-Indigenous Australians to prosecute the agenda has left Indigenous Australians
grappling with how to address it from a position of political weakness and
virtual impotence.
In the context of this proposal, it is worth
contemplating, in a spirit of reflexivity, that while we non-Indigenous
Australians often demand that Indigenous citizens change and adapt (merely
because ‘we won’ or ‘they are a minority’), we are far less keen to seriously
consider making substantive changes ourselves which would improve the quality
of life and public discourse for all Australians. If we truly believe ourselves
to be a free, equal and open society, why would we oppose such a strengthening
of our constitution?
Strategic incoherence is not a uniquely Indigenous
characteristic: the non-Indigenous leadership of the nation also suffers from the
absence of a coherent strategic agenda aimed at protecting our fundamental values
and our quality of life!
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