Showing posts with label coombs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label coombs. Show all posts

Sunday, 15 December 2019

Our public service, our future….or is it?




               …That we would do
We should do when we would…
Hamlet Act 4, scene 7


The release of the Thodey Review of the Australian Public Service, Our Public Service, Our Future, (link here) on a Friday 12 days before Christmas is not designed to attract sustained attention to the important issues dealt with. The Prime Minister’s media release (link here) indicates that ‘The Government agrees with the majority of the independent panel’s recommendations and I have asked the heads of the public service to take these forward’. The Government’s response, Delivering for All Australians, addresses each recommendation (link here).

This post presents a provisional reaction to the key recommendations of the Review that relate to Indigenous Australians and then comments on the Government’s formal response. For ease of reference, I have set out relevant extracts of the Review recommendations and the Government’s response at the end of this post.

While there is a temptation to focus solely on the Government’s response, it seems to me that it is important to give serious consideration to the Review itself. These types of documents potentially have long half-lives, and in the long term are potentially influential for good or bad.

First some contextual issues. My initial response is that the Report’s recommendations are well meaning, worthwhile, but ultimately underwhelming. While there are numerous references within Thodey’s report to the 1976 Royal Commission on Australian Government Administration (the ‘Coombs Royal Commission’), even a quick comparison of the two documents makes clear that the Coombs’ report was much more thorough, comprehensive, deeply argued and ultimately persuasive. This is even more particularly the case in relation to Indigenous policy issues.

The Thodey Report correctly concludes that implementation processes will be crucial if the Report is to have an impact. Yet in too many instances, it seems that the Review Panel have failed to understand the inherent complexity of what they are recommending, and thus left us with ‘feel good’ recommendations that if implemented, would ultimately fail.

The Government’s response in relation to the relevant recommendations discussed in this post is desultory and vague. While they claim to have endorsed a majority of the Review recommendations, it is clear that any recommendation for substantive change or that might threaten the status quo has been rejected or downplayed. This is consistent with the current playbook on virtually all policy: ramp up the rhetoric, create the appearance of some action somewhere (to avoid accusations of inaction), and continue business as usual. See below.

While virtually all activities of the Australian Public Service (APS) indirectly affect First Nations citizens, the Thodey Report’s chapter four is of most direct relevance to First Nations citizens. That chapter makes a strong case for stronger partnerships with ‘people [ie citizens generally] and communities… including [emphasis added] place based solutions and working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’. Thus, recommendation 8 does not mention Indigenous peoples. The core element in recommendation 8 is:

Secretaries Board to develop a Charter of Partnerships to promote an open APS and guide external engagement and collaboration.

The proposed Charter of Partnerships is designed ‘to set clear expectations – for Government, the APS, and the community – on how the APS will work with its external partners’. It is to be developed in collaboration with the APS’s partners, including Indigenous peoples (p.119). The Report then makes the point (correctly in my view) that partnerships rely on openness and transparency, and that this ‘will require real cultural change in the APS’ (p.120).

This is sensible and I support it. The overarching analytic framework is one of dealing with all communities and people, particularly disadvantaged citizens, and including Indigenous communities within this framework. A strong case can be made for such a framework (as opposed to a stand-alone Indigenous specific framework), although there is no discussion of the alternatives to the frame adopted by the Report. The ‘mainstream’ framework is just adopted.

The Report also recommends that the Government commission a review of privacy, FOI and record –keeping that accepts without question arguments from within the bureaucracy regarding the importance of protecting records of deliberative processes. The review panel fails to address at all the counter view that blanket protections of advice to government can also hide both poor quality advice from bureaucrats and allow governments to blame bureaucrats for decisions that are taken for political reasons. There is a case for a much more nuanced approach to this issue if we believe ‘open government’ and trust in government is important.

The Government response to recommendation 8, labelled misleadingly as ‘agreed in part’ is essentially to reject it, and maintain the status quo. In rejecting the proposed Charter of Partnerships framework, the suggestions for external involvement of the community (including First Nations interests) in developing the proposed Charter is ignored, as is the suggestion that an accountability framework be developed to ensure the Charter is implemented effectively. The suggestion of a review of the privacy and FOI legislation is just rejected outright.

The chapter then moves onto a discussion of ‘Solutions with communities’ where it argues for and recommends ‘that the APS develops, for Government consideration, a whole of government policy framework for place based investment’ (p.126). Again, this is a mainstream recommendation, targeted at disadvantaged communities generally and not just Indigenous communities. Of course, given the over-representation of Indigenous communities (especially in regional and remote areas) amongst the most deeply disadvantaged Australians, this discussion is highly relevant to First Australians.

While the review panel recognises that it would be ‘a considerable change to the status quo’, its level of analysis around the potential implementation challenges is quite shallow. It does suggest a progressive rollout, which begs the question, what about those communities that are not being included. It also tentatively proposes ‘shared accountability between ministers for placed base approaches’ (p126) which in my experience is a recipe for non-accountability and non-delivery. The review panel also correctly notes that:

If Australian Government and state and territory agencies work in isolation on place-based approaches, communities will continue to receive fragmented support and governments will continue to duplicate effort and resourcing [emphasis added].

Recommendation 9 recommends that the Government commit to establishing a place based investment framework to address intergenerational and multi-dimensional disadvantage. In my view, the recommendation is conceptually correct, but as framed in the Report (see full recommendation below) suffers from at least two fundamental flaws. First, a progressive roll out leaves inequity and deep disadvantage unaddressed in those communities that miss out.

Second, it fails to acknowledge or analyse the fundamental budget management reality that place-based approaches are fundamentally at odds with portfolio-based appropriations. Ever since ATSIC and its regional councils, the Department of Finance has resisted all approaches to move to pooled place-based appropriations. The problem is exacerbated when state and local government jurisdictions are brought into the equation (as they must if it is to work).

I am a supporter of place-based approaches. In my experience, they can be implemented and made to work by engaged and energetic bureaucratic entrepreneurs operating with ministerial support. But eventually, either the bureaucratic entrepreneur or the Minister changes and the place based arrangements default to the status quo ante. The Review should have – but hasn’t - engaged with these issues which require legislative or institutional buttressing if they are going to work. In short, the odds of this recommendation being implemented (despite its inherent merits) are very low. Of course, there should be more emphasis on local engagement and community involvement, but governments must be careful not to raise expectations beyond what they can deliver and sustain.

The Government response to recommendation 9 is again labelled ‘agreed in part’ whereas the substantive response is to ignore the Review recommendation and indicate that the hard working Secretaries Board will tweak current approaches and undertake a ‘cross-portfolio analysis on lessons learned and success factors for place-based approaches, including opportunities to expand this work.’ There is no time frame for this work to be undertaken, and no guarantee that it will be published.

Having made the case for stronger more robust partnership framework, and a place based investment framework, only then does the review panel address Indigenous Australians.

‘Solutions with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ (p.129)

This section builds on the previous sections on the proposed Charter of Partnerships and a framework for place-based investment. The text and analysis is carefully crafted to hit the key issues of concern to the majority of Indigenous citizens, and on a first read, the review panel appear to have made a strong case for substantive partnership with Indigenous Australians. An aspiration I share.

However on closer reading, the text is subtly qualified and caveated such as to undermine the likelihood that real change will ensue. Let me start with the core elements of Recommendation 10 that is titled Work in genuine partnership with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. I have added the underlining for emphasis:

• Government and APS to recognise the importance of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples making decisions on matters affecting their lives and communities, and support their full participation in the social and economic life of Australia.

• National Indigenous Australians Agency and PM&C to lead the APS’s application of the framework for place-based investment and the Charter of Partnerships in working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, including to:
promote joint decision-making with communities on design and implementation of policies and services
 adopt flexible funding arrangements that cater for different opportunities and needs across communities, and
delegate authority for investment decisions to regionally-based APS employees.

The first paragraph is easy to support, but almost impossible to disprove in terms of its implementation. It involves no substantive policy change, and is arguably (at least formally) existing government policy. A cynic might say it is motherhood.

The second paragraph recommends the adoption (or actually the promotion) of joint decision making, commonly referred to as ‘co-design’. However, either deliberately or by oversight, it is framed solely as one part of place-based frameworks, rather than in terms of joint decision-making in relation to national level policies and programs. I support greater use of co-design at all levels of the policy making process, however there are limits to its application, and these require a process of open discussion if they are to be accepted by the community. There are also complex issues related to the operation and interaction of mainstream programs with Indigenous communities that again require open discussion and explanation if Indigenous expectations are not to be raised and then dashed. The review in my view could have done better in elaborating these potential complexities and risks.

The recommendation regarding flexible funding arrangements is quite vague, but to the extent it refers to pooled funding, it suffers from the flaws identified above in relation to place based investment frameworks. The Minister has made funding decisions in Indigenous affairs (particularly in the Indigenous Advancement Strategy) in secret for the past five years, with extremely limited delegations to officials. The ANAO has been very critical (link here). The recommendation for greater delegation thus seems unlikely to be accepted, at least in the short term, though I would love to be proved wrong on this.

The review also discussed the merits of strengthening parliamentary oversight, including the possibility that Indigenous community representatives might participate in some way. The review panel’s recommendation was merely that the Parliament consider establishing a Senate or Joint Committee on Indigenous Affairs to oversee Australian Government expenditure and policies relevant to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Nevertheless, the fact that this issue has been raised in the review points to an emerging view that the current oversight arrangements are not working as effectively as they might. This is a complex issue that required more nuanced discussion that space permits here, but is an issue that I predict will continue to gain profile and salience.

Finally, there is a significant fudge by the review panel in this chapter, and perhaps elsewhere, which derives from its propensity to talk as if the APS makes most decisions and sets directions, something that is just not the case. Thus for example, the panel states:

The ANZSOG First Peoples Team labelled the relationship between the APS and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as ‘fraught and lacking in trust’. This is a damning assessment of years of focus on gaps and problems, not on strengths and assets. Too often, this approach has seen the APS do things to, not with, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, and substantially fail to improve social and economic outcomes [emphasis added; footnote deleted].

This sort of analysis by explicitly focussing on the APS implicitly assumes that governments and ministers are not responsible for policy decisions and directions, and the design and funding levels of programs, and in particular, for setting constraints and parameters that public servants must apply (either formally or informally). The complexity of this relationship and the propensity of politicians to play politics is a core reason for the majority of the trust issues that exist between Indigenous citizens and government. It is of concern that the review panel have not addressed this issue head on here (and I suspect anywhere in their report). The resort to denigrating a ‘focus on gaps and problems’ misconstrues the concerns of Indigenous peoples about deficit discourse. Again, I think the Australian public deserved better from the high-level review team. Instead, there appears to have been resort to ideological fudging dressed up as support for Indigenous culture.

The Government response to recommendation 10 is again ‘agreed in part’ and seeks to deflect the review panel recommendation in three ways. First, by asserting in the first two sentences that the Government is already working with First Nations peoples; second by referring to the recent partnership agreement between the National Coalition of Indigenous Peaks and COAG which is focussed on refreshing the Closing the Gap framework, and third by claiming that:

The Government is committed to improving local and regional decision-making and considering options for a national Voice, and has commenced a process to co-design models and options for this.

Each of these three claims are factually true, but open to question in terms of the parameters that are implicitly or explicitly placed around the various processes. While each of the three claims is positive on its face, it is the quality of the substantive interactions that will determines its ultimate impact. The absence of any commitment to underlying transparency in relation to these processes (for an example see the link here) and much else that the Government is doing in the Indigenous policy domain, facilitates the potential ‘management’ of each of these processes in ways which do not allow for real partnership relationships to emerge. For example, how does the selection and appointment by government of representatives on a committee to develop the national voice (link here) amount to ‘co-design’?

Moreover, the Government’s decision to not proceed with an accountable Charter of Partnerships framework, nor a commitment to a place based investment framework, removes the foundation that the review panel’s recommendation 10 was built on. The bland assertions by the Government along the line that everything is fine and we are already doing working in partnership must be taken with a grain of salt. Moreover, it must be remembered that while the Closing the Gap refresh and National Voice issues are important, there is much else occurring in the Indigenous policy domain. Where are the co-design processes in these areas?

Finally in relation to recommendation 10, and perhaps predictably, the Government response made clear that they see no need to change or strengthen current parliamentary oversight of Indigenous policy and programs.

This response by government, and indeed the totality of its response to recommendations 8, 9 and 10,  is arguably emblematic of a deep-seated issue in Indigenous affairs. Across Indigenous Australia, there is a widespread view that governments no longer retain their former legitimacy and that their policy and program activities writ large are misdirected at best and punitive at worst. Perhaps cognisant of this widespread lack of trust and legitimacy, the review panel made a relatively low key effort to argue for greater engagement and partnership between government and Indigenous communities. The Government’s response has essentially been to say “nothing to see here, all’s good, no action required’. While I suspect that the Government has never been open to an alternative view, in my view the Thodey led review panel did the nation and Indigenous Australians a disservice by not articulating in more detail and more clearly the issues that confront the APS is developing and implementing policies and programs that impact Indigenous Australians.

Forty three years ago, the Coombs Royal Commission stated:

The realities of power mean that ultimate decisions about them [Indigenous citizens] and the allocation of resources to them will finally be made, in present circumstances, by white decision makers. The Commission is satisfied, however, that unless these decision makers act in accordance with procedures which give Aboriginals a substantive and conscious participation in the processes of decision and, within broad limits, in the decisions themselves, programs will continue to fall short of their objectives, and resistance, hostility and a rejection of responsibility will continue to mark Aboriginal attitudes (para 10.5.6; p.337).

It is time that policy analysts, royal commissioners, evaluators and members of review teams with remits focussed on improving policy and program outcomes related to Indigenous Australians ceased merely reiterating that place based and co-design approaches (to use current terminology) are required, and began to examine why it is that Governments across the political spectrum have been and continue to be so resistant to implementing these policy approaches. Might it be that Coombs was on the money in pointing to ‘the realities of power’?


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Set out below are recommendations 8, 9 and 10 of the Review
Recommendation 8

Harness external perspectives and capability by working openly and meaningfully with people, communities and organisations, under an accountable Charter of Partnerships.
• Secretaries Board to develop a Charter of Partnerships to promote an open APS and guide external engagement and collaboration.
• All agencies to embed Charter expectations into individual and agency head performance management and corporate planning and reporting.
• All agencies to draw on diverse and rich community and partner insights in advice to Government, including in Cabinet and budget processes.
• Government to commission a review of privacy, FOI and record-keeping arrangements to ensure that they are fit for the digital age, by: ِ supporting greater transparency and disclosure, simpler administration and faster decisions, while protecting personal data and other information, and ِ exempting material prepared to inform deliberative processes of government from release under FOI.

Implementation guidance

• Establish a cross-agency team to develop the Charter in collaboration with APS partners, including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
• Ensure the Charter:
 ِ highlights the value of better external engagement
 ِ guides the APS to work openly and respectfully with partners on policies and programs before and after government decisions
 ِ reflects the importance of seeking diverse external views, and
 ِ sets reciprocal expectations for APS partners — including engaging with honesty and pragmatism.
• Measure APS adherence through partner feedback, annual reports, capability reviews and individual and agency head performance management.
• Consider amending the Public Service Act 1999 to require the APS to develop a Charter of Partnerships


Recommendation 9

Use place-based approaches to address intergenerational and multi-dimensional disadvantage.
• Government to develop a framework for place-based investment, based on:
ِ joint decision-making with communities and other levels of government on designing and implementing policies and services
 ِ flexibility, including through funding arrangements, to cater for the different needs and opportunities in particular communities
ِ use of data to support decision-making and measure progress, and
 ِ clear accountability for outcomes, including shared ministerial accountability where appropriate.
• Government to pilot approach in communities with entrenched disadvantage or complex needs and strong community leadership.
• Agencies to appoint regionally-based SES as APS Community Partners to work with local communities and other jurisdictions, with delegated authority for investment decisions where appropriate.
• Secretaries Board to ensure APS makes place-based data available to help understand local needs and opportunities and measure progress.

Implementation guidance

• Build on existing collaborations with communities, governments and other partners in finding tailored solutions to achieve local priorities.
• Include an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander community in initial pilot areas.
• Adapt framework in light of results of the trials.
• Consider pooling discretionary grants funding from across portfolios to allocate to community-led initiatives to achieve jointly-agreed objectives.


Recommendation 10

Work in genuine partnership with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.
• Government and APS to recognise the importance of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples making decisions on matters affecting their lives and communities, and support their full participation in the social and economic life of Australia.
• National Indigenous Australians Agency and PM&C to lead the APS’s application of the framework for place-based investment and the Charter of Partnerships in working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, including to:
ِ promote joint decision-making with communities on design and implementation of policies and services ِ adopt flexible funding arrangements that cater for different opportunities and needs across communities, and
 ِ delegate authority for investment decisions to regionally-based APS employees.
• APSC and relevant agencies to work with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employees, the Indigenous SES Network and Secretaries Board to improve recruitment and development of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the APS.
• Secretaries Board to ensure cultural competency training remains a core part of APS professional development.
• Parliament to consider establishing a Senate or Joint Committee on Indigenous Affairs to oversee Australian Government expenditure and policies relevant to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

Implementation guidance

• Secretaries Board to ensure the APS works in effective partnerships with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, including responding to and supporting future changes in Indigenous Affairs.
• Improve recruitment pathways and develop Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people for EL and SES levels.
• Provide cultural competency training for all APS employees. All SES officers to complete training by end-2020.



Government Response to recommendations 8, 9 and 10


Recommendation 8: Harness external perspectives and capability by working openly and meaningfully with people, communities and organisations, under an accountable Charter of Partnerships

Agreed in part.

The Government expects the APS to better understand the needs and expectations of all Australians, and to work effectively with them. This is an integral part of good policy, implementation and service-delivery. Rather than agree a new framework like the proposed Charter of Partnerships, the APS will apply the recently-agreed APS Framework for Engagement and Participation to support genuine collaboration with Australians in designing better services and finding solutions to policy problems. Application of this Framework will be monitored through individual and agency-level performance processes. Building on existing tools, the Board will pursue two new initiatives to better understand the needs of Australians – an APS-wide survey of business (to be trialled in 2020 for Government consideration before being rolled-out), and an APS-wide analysis of complaints hotspots. Agencies will use these data and insights to inform its advice to Government. The Government notes the proposal for a new wide-ranging review of privacy, FOI and record-keeping arrangements. The Government’s principal focus is to ensure that agencies effectively implement current requirements, addressing practical problems where required. Any further reform to these arrangements would be considered separately to the Government’s response to the APS Review.


Recommendation 9: Use place-based approaches to address intergenerational and multi-dimensional disadvantage

Agreed in part.
The Government is already pursuing place-based approaches in a number of regions, including in responding to natural disasters (e.g. through the National Drought and North Queensland Flood Response and Recovery Agency) and other initiatives like regional and city deals in places like the Barkly Region, Darwin, Townsville, Western Sydney, Geelong, Launceston, Hobart and Adelaide. Rather than develop a new framework, the Secretaries Board will first undertake cross-portfolio analysis on lessons learned and success factors for place-based approaches, including opportunities to expand this work. As part of this analysis, the Board will consider how regionally-based Senior Executive Service (SES) can better work with local communities and other jurisdictions. The Board will also consider how to best use different data sources in place-based work.


Recommendation 10: APS to work in genuine partnership with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples

Agreed in part.
The Government and the APS are committed to improving the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians. The new National Indigenous Australians Agency is working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities around Australia, and with other portfolios and state and territory governments, to ensure Government policies, programs and services address the needs of different communities. The Government is committed to improving local and regional decision-making and considering options for a national Voice, and has commenced a process to co-design models and options for this. The Council of Australian Governments and the National Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peak Organisations have agreed to a formal Partnership Agreement to finalise the Closing the Gap Refresh and provide a forum for ongoing engagement throughout implementation of the new agenda. The Government notes the recommendation that Parliament consider establishing an additional parliamentary committee on Indigenous Affairs. The establishment of parliamentary committees is a matter for the Parliament. The Government considers that the current arrangements are appropriate.

Wednesday, 10 January 2018

South of My Days



I came across an article this morning (link here) which noted that Judith Wright had been one of five women amongst seventy writers considered for the 1967 Nobel Prize for Literature.

Wright (link here) like me came from New England and I share her love of the New England bush. She was a great Australian, an extraordinary poet, a lifelong social and environmental activist, and a strong supporter of Indigenous rights, joining Nugget Coombs and Stewart Harris as members of the Aboriginal Treaty Committee. Their 1985 book We call for a Treaty is just one indicator of their prescience in relation to Indigenous social justice.

She wrote some wonderfully evocative poems about the Australian bush and its central relationship to our identity as Australians, a relationship which is arguably undergoing inexorable change. She also wrote a number of poems such a Bora Ring and Nigger’s Leap about Indigenous Australian’s and their treatment at the hands of settles (which included Wright’s own family).

I thought I would honour her memory at the start of the year by reproducing here two of her poems: the very well-known South of My Days and the shorter and more amusing poem Magpies.

South of My Days

South of my days' circle, part of my blood's country,
rises that tableland, high delicate outline
of bony slopes wincing under the winter,
low trees, blue-leaved and olive, outcropping granite-
clean, lean, hungry country. The creek's leaf-silenced,
willow choked, the slope a tangle of medlar and crabapple
branching over and under, blotched with a green lichen;
and the old cottage lurches in for shelter.

O cold the black-frost night. The walls draw in to the warmth
and the old roof cracks its joints; the slung kettle
hisses a leak on the fire. Hardly to be believed that summer will turn up again some day in a wave of rambler-roses,
thrust it's hot face in here to tell another yarn-
a story old Dan can spin into a blanket against the winter.
Seventy years of stories he clutches round his bones.
Seventy years are hived in him like old honey.

Droving that year, Charleville to the Hunter,
nineteen-one it was, and the drought beginning;
sixty head left at the McIntyre, the mud round them
hardened like iron; and the yellow boy died
in the sulky ahead with the gear, but the horse went on,
stopped at Sandy Camp and waited in the evening.
It was the flies we seen first, swarming like bees.
Came to the Hunter, three hundred head of a thousand-
cruel to keep them alive - and the river was dust.

Or mustering up in the Bogongs in the autumn
when the blizzards came early. Brought them down; we
brought them down, what aren't there yet. Or driving for Cobb's on the run
up from Tamworth-Thunderbolt at the top of Hungry Hill,
and I give him a wink. I wouldn't wait long, Fred,
not if I was you. The troopers are just behind,
coming for that job at the Hillgrove. He went like a luny, him on his big black horse.

Oh, they slide and they vanish
as he shuffles the years like a pack of conjuror's cards.
True or not, it's all the same; and the frost on the roof
cracks like a whip, and the back-log break into ash.
Wake, old man. This is winter, and the yarns are over.
No-one is listening
South of my days' circle
I know it dark against the stars, the high lean country
full of old stories that still go walking in my sleep. 


Magpies

Along the road the magpies walk
with hands in pockets, left and right.
They tilt their heads, and stroll and talk.
In their well-fitted black and white.

They look like certain gentlemen 
who seem most nonchalant and wise
until their meal is served - and then
what clashing beaks, what greedy eyes!

But not one man that I have heard 
throws back his head in such a song
of grace and praise - no man nor bird. 
Their greed is brief; their joy is long.
For each is born with such a throat 
as thanks his God with every note. 


Friday, 8 January 2016

Frank Brennan's book 'No Small Change'


The road to recognition for Indigenous Australians extends back at least fifty years, and looking forward appears to disappear into a chimerical haze beyond the horizon. Frank Brennan’s book provides an essential guide not just to that road, but to the journey Indigenous interests have travelled to date, and goes on to lay out his assessment of the challenging terrain ahead, and outlines his suggestions for best making progress.

I initially thought that this was two books disguised as one. The first, a history of the Council for Aboriginal Affairs established by the Holt Government after the successful 1967 constitutional referendum, and the second, an outline of the case for moderate change in the next phase of constitutional development in Australia. However Brennan successfully integrates the two narratives, along the way providing an indispensable repository of the cut and thrust of developments in both narrative spheres. Each part of the book is valuable in its own right, and together they make a persuasive case for Brennan’s argument.

In essence, Brennan argues that the Council for Aboriginal Affairs, comprised of Nugget Coombs, Barry Dexter and Bill Stanner, were able through bureaucratic persistence, successful infighting, and innovative policy work, to leverage the successful 1967 referendum to successfully initiate the implementation of a national land rights agenda, both in terms of national public debate, but importantly in terms of legislated outcomes, and that the momentum built by the Council provided the impetus for the legislation of land rights in the Northern Territory in 1976 and ultimately led to the High Court decision in Mabo and the enactment of the Native Title Act.

In effect, Brennan argues that the 1967 Referendum, which merely broadened the pre-existing race power in section 51(26) of the Constitution to remove the exception of Aboriginal people and thus allow the Commonwealth to concurrently legislate for Aboriginal people, was ‘no small change’, because it opened the gate to the overturning of terra nullius and the thus facilitated the present situation where Indigenous interests are now recognised as the owners of almost 30 percent of the continent’s landmass.

I found the historical account of the Council’s battles at the interface between the bureaucracy and politics fascinating, and the book lays the narrative out in extremely accessible terms. This is a very real achievement, and will provide all those interested in the history of Indigenous affairs policy with an accessible and essential starting point.

As for the broader argument that it was the 1967 referendum which allowed the Council to make the inroads it did, I agree that the evidence does not contradict this conclusion. However, there were times when it seemed that Brennan’s argument was a little tendentious, aimed at making the case for his perspective on current constitutional challenges as much as providing a retrospective perspective on the events of 40 years ago. Intuitively, it seems to me that the Menzies era approach to Indigenous land rights would not have withstood the tectonic shifts which took place in Australia with the election of the Whitlam Government in 1972, whether or not the 1967 Referendum had been passed, although clearly counterfactual hypothesis is an entirely fraught approach to historical analysis. Nevertheless, I am happy to agree with Brennan that the success of the 1967 referendum certainly facilitated the Commonwealth making the running on Indigenous Affairs once the time was right. Whitlam’s campaign slogan, Its Time, really did resonate in Indigenous Affairs.

The second half of No Small Change is devoted to the history of current attempts to design an acceptable formula for changing the Constitution to recognise Indigenous citizens.

Brennan provides an extremely useful survey of the various milestones along this more recent segment of the road to recognition. He argues that the Expert Panel appointed by the Gillard Government and chaired by Patrick Dodson and Mark Liebler overstepped in recommending that the constitution be amended to enshrine a prohibition on racial discrimination, and also considered that the Expert Panel’s recommendations that any head of legislative power for the Commonwealth be shaped to require positive measures (‘to secure the advancement of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’) would be counterproductive and unwise.

Along the way, Brennan cogently explains the pivotal role that the Racial Discrimination Act has played in the history of Indigenous Affairs. It is clear however that Brennan’s major concern is to argue against the inclusion of a provision in the Constitution prohibiting racial discrimination. He lays out an impressive number of arguments, from the purely pragmatic (the Australian people just won’t accept it) to the more legalistic (that it would require the Courts to consider political matters which are more appropriately the responsibility of Parliament).

Brennan’s position is that moderate change (that is, not including a prohibition on racial discrimination in any referendum) will have much greater chance of success, bearing in mind the super majority required for a successful referendum and the extremely poor record of successful constitutional change. In this sense, even moderate change will be ‘no small change’.

Moreover, Brennan implicitly argues that, like in 1967, even moderate constitutional change will open policy and political doors in the future which can be leveraged for the benefit of Indigenous interests, and thus even a moderate change will be ‘no small change’. As he notes, ‘what will matter is not so much the legal reach of the constitutional reform but the breadth and depth of the public sentiment in support’ (page 286).

There is a huge bias towards incrementalism deeply embedded within our political system. There is little doubt that this is how the Australian political system works most of the time. Most policy development and most political change are incremental. There is an intuitive attractiveness in incremental change, particularly if it is clearly in a positive direction.

However, there is a case to be made against moderate change. All change will have unintended consequences, and there is no guarantee that these will on balance be positive. Constitutional adjustments which make no change to existing institutional arrangements (as opposed to symbolic representation) open up risks without clear benefits. Moreover, for Indigenous interests to accept purely symbolic change to the Constitution will likely leave them in a weaker political position vis a vis the wider community as there will be a general consensus that Indigenous people have already  ‘been recognised’ and any future demands will be discounted by some and possibly by many as unnecessary or unjustified. No matter how deep public support for Indigenous aspirations is at the time of a referendum, there is no guarantee that widespread support will remain in place through time.

Thus there is a strategic calculus to be considered by the Indigenous leadership. What exactly do they wish to achieve in terms of structural or institutional reform over the next ten years? The indications are that leaders such as Noel Pearson, Marcia Langton and Professor Megan Davis are well aware that they will have just one shot at substantive change this generation, and that the shot ought not be wasted.

Of course, it may be that a constitutional prohibition on racial discrimination is not the ‘one shot’ Indigenous leaders wish to pursue. Moreover, if all that is on offer in terms of Constitutional recognition is symbolic change, then Indigenous leaders might decide to set it aside in favour of an alternative agenda, either within or outside the Constitution. One of the costs of the extensive constitutional change process followed to date, going back to 2007 without any apparent consensus having emerged, is that it has distracted political attention on issues that demand focussed attention from the political leadership of the nation.

For example, it is more than disturbing to consider that some $95m has been cut from the Commonwealth’s remote housing programs in the last two years, with the concomitant very real ongoing human costs of overcrowding and poor living conditions imposed on diffuse and politically voiceless remote communities, and this is done without any media attention, and minimal political debate. Meanwhile the political elites debate the terms of a referendum question and the major political parties keep kicking the can down the road.

No Small Change is full of perceptive insights, and is based on a deep understanding of the judicial contribution to policymaking in Indigenous affairs without being overly legalistic and technical. Notwithstanding my reservations in relation to the strategic consequences of Brennan’s overall argument in favour of ‘moderate’ proposal for change to the Constitution, I have no hesitation in commending his book to anyone interested in the history of Indigenous policy, the role of the Racial Discrimination Act in shaping Indigenous policy, and the current state of the debate on constitutional recognition.

Frank Brennan concludes No Small Change with a quote of Prime Minister Bob Hawke quoting Nugget Coombs. It is worth repeating here:

It is a politician’s job to recognise when the will is there and to do something but they also have a responsibility to create that will. It is never divisive to correct injustice. The fact of injustice is divisive and will continue to be until we correct it and learn to live with it. People who benefit from injustice will oppose this, but you don’t stop working for justice simply because people around you don’t like it.