Saturday, 16 March 2024

The proposed Winchelsea mine on Groote: the commercial and policy risks are pervasive

                                                     Something is rotten in the state of Denmark.

                                                Hamlet, Act one, Scene four

Introduction

In the previous post (link here), which I strongly suggest that you read before this reading this post, I laid out the background to the Anandilyakwa Land Council’s (ALC) pursuit of the Winchelsea mine project, with high level support from the NT Government, and an apparent lack of proactive engagement by the Commonwealth. At the end of that post, I indicated I fundamentally disagreed with the narrative being promulgated by the ALC. This post explains the reasons for my concerns and argues that there are three high level problems with the ALC narrative in relation to the future of Groote.

 

The first relates to endemic conflicts of interest between the ALC and a number of associated corporations in receipt of royalty payments from the ALC, conflicts that extend to the individuals involved and which have the potential to adversely impact millions of dollars in royalty allocations. The second relates to commercial feasibility of the proposed mine (noting that I do not claim particular expertise in this matter, and there is a risk I may be mistaken). The third relates to the ALC’s royalty allocation strategy designed to facilitate the development of the mine.

 

The Commonwealth Minister for Indigenous Australians has regulatory responsibility for oversighting the Aboriginal Land Rights Act in the NT, and the various land councils established by that legislation. The land councils are thus Commonwealth statutory corporations, and (in theory) subject to the normal accountability and regulatory requirements applicable to all Commonwealth entities. Former Minister Ken Wyatt was responsible for approving the Winchelsea mining agreement on Groote in accordance with section 45 of the Act.

 

I should state up front that I readily acknowledge that the NT land councils are complex cross-cultural institutions and confront considerable challenges merely in undertaking their daily business. This is particularly so for a small land council representing just 14 clans on a remote archipelago. Yet the fact that the effectiveness of the NT Land Councils are so important to the achievement of Aboriginal aspirations makes it even more important that they should be held to standard accountability requirements, both to their constituents and to the community at large. Once they lose the trust of the wider community, and their own constituency, they will lose the capability to protect Indigenous interests, let alone advance them. The ALC is particularly vulnerable to financial risk insofar as it manages upwards of $50m per annum in operational expenses and royalty distributions.

 

At its core, the institutional architecture oversighting Aboriginal land held under ALRA title in the NT is simple. Land Councils have a function of negotiating on behalf of traditional owners with persons seeking to obtain an interest (such as an exploration or mining licence) over Aboriginal land. Aboriginal land is owned by a Land Trust which must act on the direction of the relevant Land Council. The Land Council in turn must consult the traditional owners (TOs) for the relevant land to ascertain their wishes and must be satisfied they understand the proposal and as a group consent before directing a Land Trust to agree (or not) in relation to any decision related to dealing in the land. See section 23 of the ALRA.

 

The Land Councils also have a function to assist in commercial development. Section 23(1)(ea) provides that a function is:

to assist Aboriginals in the area of the Land Council to carry out commercial activities (including resource development, the provision of tourist facilities and agricultural activities), in any manner that will not cause the Land Council to incur financial liability or enable it to receive financial benefit

 

Subsection 23(3) provides that in carrying out its functions a Land Council should not give or withhold consent in relation to a proposal unless it is satisfied that the TOs ‘understand the nature and purpose of the proposed action and, as a group, consent to it’.

 

The difficulty in relation to the proposed Winchelsea mine is that the TOs of Akwamburrkba (Winchelsea Island) own (via the Anindilyakwa Advancement Aboriginal Corporation) 70 percent of the equity in Winchelsea Mining Pty Ltd, the proponent. On its own, this creates a structural potential conflict of interest. Yet the cross directorships, cross employment arrangements, personal conflicts and cross consultancy arrangements create an extraordinary network of conflicted loyalties that are difficult to comprehend in any effective governance structure, let alone one involving a Commonwealth statutory corporation.

 

According to Mr Hewitt in his evidence to the Estimates Committee, the TOs did not make a financial contribution (the ANAO states it was a mere $60), but instead agreed to provide their consent. In fact, a number of Aboriginal Corporations based on Groote provided loans to Winchelsea (AAAC $11.6m; ARAC $4m) which supplemented the ACIM contribution of $10m plus a loan of $1.6m). Moreover, AAAC has no CEO, and only 8 staff, and the majority of its revenues are the result of discretionary grants from the ALC which according to its 2022 Financial Statements (page 14) are provided for specific purposes related to the Winchelsea Project. The Financial Statements report also states that future funding from the ALC is contingent on progress reports and project performance.

 

While Winchelsea Mining is a subsidiary of Anindilyakwa Advancement Aboriginal Corporation (AAAC), a registered charity. The AAAC’s six Directors include three ALC Directors. The ALC Chair, the ALC CEO and his spouse are three of five Directors of Winchelsea (the other two are representatives Winchelsea’s other owner, AUS China International Mining Pty Ltd). There is no representation on the Winchelsea Board of any AAAC Directors.

 

Given these complex conflicts of responsibility, it is difficult to see how the ALC could have objectively and neutrally undertaken the consultations necessary for it to meet its statutory functions in negotiating a mining agreement between TOs and Winchelsea Mining Pty Ltd. It is also difficult to understand how a Minister, if properly advised, could approve a proposed mining agreement without initiating further investigations to ensure there were no accountability or policy issues requiring specific attention in the Agreement. One option available to the Minister would have been the appointment of a mining commissioner to watch over the negotiations. Given the current structures in place, it seems unlikely that the then Minister in fact undertook any of these precautionary measures.

 

Problem One: ALC effectively controls key Aboriginal corporations in receipt of royalties.

While the ALC has a statutory function to assist Aboriginal Corporations such as AAAC and GHAC, it seems unlikely that this power extends to cases where the ALC is exercising effective control of the corporation. See for example sections 23AA (3) and (5) of the Aboriginal Land Rights Act.

 

Section 910B of the Corporations Act 2001 provides inter alia in relation to the meaning of control that ‘control’ includes:

having the capacity to determine the outcome of decisions about the body corporate's financial and operating policies, taking into account: (i) the practical influence that can be exerted (rather than the rights that can be enforced); and (ii) any practice or pattern of behaviour affecting the body corporate's financial or operating policies…

 

It is clear that the ALC’s influence over AAAC’s budget and expenditure and its role in controlling the operations of its subsidiary Winchelsea prima facie meets this definition.

 

Similar arguments can be made in relation to the other corporate entities operating on Groote with significant involvement in aspects of the Winchelsea mine proposal:

 

Groote Holdings Aboriginal Corporation receives significant royalties from the ALC to support the development of the Winchelsea mine, particularly its logistics infrastructure. GHAC’s funding is 99 percent from the ALC. Its six community based Directors include the ALC Chair and four other ALC Directors, and the three Independent Directors include the ALC CEO, and whose Chief Operating Officer is the ALC CEO’s spouse.  The Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of GHAC is undertaken by ENMARK, the firm operated by the Chair of the ALC Audit committee.

 

The Anindilyakwa Royalties Aboriginal Corporation whose primary role is to receive and disburse section 63(3) payments has nine Directors, including five ALC Directors (including the ALC Chair) and of the remaining four independent Directors, at least two are or have been in receipt of consultancy funding from the ALC.

 

The Anindilyakwa Leaders Future Fund Aboriginal Corporation (ALFFAC)is a further example of the ALC exercising control and influence over a corporation, albeit with its purpose fo benefitting ALC members in plain sight. The ALFFAC Board and membership is comprised entirely of Directors of the ALC, whose funding of $1.5m in 2021/2022/2023 was entirely from the ALC (listed as a section 35 grant) and whose purpose is entirely focussed on providing voluntary and extremely generous lifelong ‘recognition and protection’ packages to former ALC Board members and staff (albeit with a discretionary element). While a case can be made for arrangements such as these, they are virtually unknown amongst Commonwealth statutory corporations and the potential downside is that they may constrain the exercise of independent judgment by ALC Board members who may fear they are placing a future income stream at risk if they question the ‘accepted wisdom’ on investment decisions involving millions of dollars.

 

To sum up, it is one thing to argue, as the ALC does, that its involvement with the various corporations supporting the proposed Winchelsea mine is consistent with its statutory function to assist distinct and autonomous corporations in its region to engage in commercial activities. It is quite another thing to engage with corporations where the ALC is prima facie exercising effective control in its own right in relation to the decisions being taken. Such an outcome is not consistent with the fundamental intent of the checks and balances that are built into the architecture of the Aboriginal Land Rights Act in the NT. In particular, the provisions of section 35 which are clearly designed to ensure land council accountability for its payments to corporations of section 64(3) royalties. This accountability constraint is undermined and subverted if the corporations are not independent of the Land Council. This would not be just a technical breach, but leaves open the potential for poor decision-making to occur without any of the normal checks and balances being engaged. The key intent of these checks and balances is to protect traditional owner interests. As a result, the likelihood increases that land council interests (or in a worst case scenario, the interests of a clique within the land council) are pursued to the disadvantage of TOs generally.

 

Problem Two: the financials for the Winchelsea mine project do not stack up.

Correction 13 November 2024: see the post Winchelsea Update dated 13 November 2024 for an explanation of an error in the anlysis below. My calculations of the value of the resource fialed to factor in the average concentration levels of the ore and thus underestimated the overall value of the resource.

The key documentary sources I relied on in assessing the economic impact of the project are documents included in the Draft Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) for the project submitted by Winchelsea Mining (link here and link here). The EIS is currently open for public comment. Key chapters are Chapter Four (4.3.2 Ore Estimation), Appendix E JORC Reserve Estimate Report undertaken by Xenith, a specialist resources consultancy and Appendix X Social Impact Assessment undertaken by CDM Smith (4.1.14.10 Project Labour Requirements and 4.1.14.11  Project Economic Contribution).

 

According to the sampling undertaken by Xenith, the total proved and probable ore reserves (as at October 2020) were 11.8 million tonnes with an average manganese concentration of 26%. Xenith estimated the costs of extraction and processing (Table 8.1) and this led to the estimation of net ore prices for the various categories of ore (Table 8.2 at Appendix E). Estimated  FOB prices varied between A$5.68 and A$1.74 dmtu (dry metric tonne unit). I requested Chat GPT to analyse the relevant information in the report: ore reserves, current manganese prices and extraction scheduling data (table 4.3-5) to obtain a total revenue figure for the projected 11-year life of the mine. That request elicited a current valuation of estimated total revenue for the project of A$33.6m. Xenith undertook a Net Present Value analysis of the orebody and the costs of production/processing (Section 8.5 Financial Analysis page 30). They state without any further information: ‘Financial analysis of the mine schedule showed a positive NPV of the project’. They do not expand however on the assumptions adopted including the relevant discount rates.

 

In a case study of the Winchelsea project on the Xenith web site (link here), Xenith commented:

The outcome of the study confirmed the project was technically viable. It demonstrated targeted export manganese ore product quantities and grades could be achieved based on the waste removal, ore mining, ore processing and associated support infrastructure and services, including product export facilities.

We concluded the project demonstrated positive economic returns with respect to cashflow, NPV and IRR, however the final determination of the project’s economic feasibility remained subject to financing and certain regulatory approvals in control of, and to be determined by, Winchelsea Mining.

 

I take this conclusion at face value but note that it does not appear to take into account the costs associated with the purchase of the mining tenures involved from Yukida Pty Ltd, the previous owners of the exploration licences. In particular, according to the 2020 AAAC Financial Statements, Winchelsea is committed to paying Yukida $6.25m immediately upon the first shipment of manganese. Nevertheless, noting that the total value of the ore resource will be subject to variations in the price of manganese, even were we to assume that manganese prices doubled over each the projected eleven year life of the project, the net value of the resource would be around $70m and the potential profit would be substantially less than that figure. I should add a caveat here that I am not an expert in project feasibility studies and was extremely sceptical when I first made my own rough calculations of the limited likely value of the ore reserves. However, I took some confidence from having my rough estimates confirmed by ChatGPT’s assessment of Winchelsea’s EIS data.

 

We can get a sense of the financial challenges arising from the low valuation of the available ore body by calculating the costs of employing the average of 83 mining staff identified in the EIS over the 11 year term of the mine. See Chapter 4 of the EIS, section 4.4.14.1. which describes the proposed workforce for the mine (link here). A quick internet search reveals the average mining salary in Australia is over $105k per annum (link here and link here). Adopting a conservative approach, and assuming the average salary at Winchelsea is say $95k per annum, then the cost of 83 staff over 11 years totals $87m. If the Winchelsea resource is valued at $70m, then the projected employment costs produce a $17m deficit without any further assessment of the costs of the capital investment required for the mine, the necessary operating expenditure, the contracted payments to Yukida Pty Ltd of $6.25m arising from Winchelsea’s acquisition of the mining tenure, and of course the repayment of the ‘loans’ of $15.6m already provided by AAAC ($11.6) and ARAC ($4m). Clearly, on the available information provided by Winchelsea, far from being commercially viable, the Winchelsea project faces huge challenges to avoid incurring substantial losses.

 

Reinforcing this rather dire assessment, the EIS also estimates the contribution of the project to the local, NT and international economy. In Appendix X, Table 4-22 the consultancy firm CDM Smith (presumably engaged by Winchelsea) estimate the anticipated capital expenditure associated with the mine in the 12 months from 2024 as $224.6m. In Table 4-23, they estimate the operational expenditure of the mine over a period of 14 years from FY 2025 as totalling $448m (presumably in 2024 dollars). That is in total, the EIS estimates capital and operational expenditure of $672m over the life of the mine. Yet the total current value of the manganese resource currently identified is somewhere between $30m and $70m.

 

There is a part of me that still cannot come to terms with these calculations. Yet they are drawn from Winchelsea’s own documents and commissioned research. The figures would be laughable except that the mine is apparently proceeding, albeit slowly and incrementally, and with apparent support amongst political elites in Darwin and Canberra. While the prospect of a viable mine continues to have currency and be talked up (see the Estimates transcript quoted in the previous post), the risk will be that the ALC and Winchelsea will contrive to direct more and more royalty flows to Winchelsea (via the corporations listed above) to seek to demonstrate that the possibility of a commercially viable mine is more than a mirage. The inevitable losers in such a process will be the Anindilyakwa families and children who could have been supported by sensible and more risk averse royalty distribution policies.

 

Problem number three: the Future Groote Strategy is hot air.

As I noted in my earlier post, the ALC Strategic Plan 2023- 2033 is an ambitious document (link here). It is 173 pages and identifies 18 individual areas of focus for the decade ahead conveniently listed on page 3. I am not seeking to provide a comprehensive critique of the document here, and readily acknowledge that many of the proposed priorities and initiatives would have enormous merit if they could be funded.

 

In relation to the Winchelsea mine and the concomitant implications for royalty distributions, the ALC strategy is to use the Winchelsea mine as a ‘future Groote enabling project’ with:

… a core vision to raise enough revenue to permanently support the economic and social future of the TOs of the Groote Archipelago… The mining venture will provide annual fixed payments to impacted clans, provide guaranteed payments into the Anindilyakwa Mining Trust and surplus profits will be reinvested into major projects for the benefit of TOs…

 

I see two separate issues with this strategy.

 

First, as outlined above, it seems far from certain that Winchelsea will make commercial profits, and to the extent that it makes losses that are made up or offset from royalty flows through the ALC and its associated corporations, the ALC post mining strategy outlined in the Strategic Plan will be a complete failure.

 

Second, even if my financial analysis were to be misconceived and the mine was financially viable, it is not clear to me that the opportunity cost of the necessary financial commitments towards the mine from royalty distributions do not outweigh the benefits. This is essentially a value judgment, or to put it another way, a policy issue. However, it seems to me that in a situation (as outlined in the  ANU socioeconomic data report published on the ALC website link here) where there is a significant outstanding housing need, where education outcomes are woeful, and where health and substance abuse are ongoing challenges, the policy choice is clear. The current path of prioritising a major commercial investment with limited employment opportunities for local people, and the potential for substantial financial losses, is in socio-economic terms extremely high risk.

 

An alternative strategy based on low key and straightforward investments in housing, preventative health and education would likely create more certain and widespread benefits. While the ALC would argue that they are in fact investing in these priorities, the reality is that the quantum of funding projected to flow into the mine will inevitably stifle the amounts available for these more basic strategies.

 

The bottom line here is that the aspirational rhetoric in the ALC Strategic Plan is both ultra-ambitious, and it fails to adequately consider the choices and trade-offs between the numerous priorities that the ALC is promulgating. Moreover, while the Plan (which appears to have been drafted to a management consultant’s template) mentions risk, its substantive terms ignore the very real risks embedded in the overarching approach being adopted.

 

The present policy direction will likely not lead to a profitable mine, will negate the opportunity for spin-off economic opportunities, and will be unlikely to lead to the achievement of the balance of $650m in the Anindilyakwa Mining Trust that underpins the ALC’s post-mining vision for Groote Eylandt.

 

Conclusion

For the reasons outlined above, I consider the current policy approach of the ALC, which is built around a complex and wide-ranging strategy of utilising section 64(3) royalty flows to effectively underpin the development of the Winchelsea mine, to be deeply flawed.

 

The May 2023 ANAO audit was focussed entirely on the ALC and its governance, and it identified a range of serious issues. The ANAO remit did not extend to the associated corporations in receipt of ALC funding. Yet a wider analysis encompassing the corporations funded by the ALC suggests that the ALC is using its financial heft and extensive cross-directorships to exercise effective control over these corporations. In the process, very real conflicts of interest have emerged which fundamentally undermine the policy architecture laid out in the ALRA for protecting the interests of TOs.

 

Those structural conflicts of interest are endemic in the decision-making related to the distribution of section 64(3) royalties on Groote, and to the decision-making regarding the granting of consent to Winchelsea Mining Pty Ltd to develop a mine on Groote. The ALC has not published its assessment of the commercial viability of the project, and nor is the mining agreement between the ALC and Winchelsea Pty Ltd in the public domain. Critiques such as that offered here are thus based on inherently incomplete information. Nevertheless, there is more than enough smoke in the public domain to justify calling the fire brigade.

 

It is unclear how Minister Wyatt saw his way clear to approve the agreement given that the ALC Chair and CEO also sit on the Winchelsea Board. Assuming that there was no fraud involved, we can be confident that the ALC’s narrow interests were protected in the mining agreement, but it far from clear that the wider long term interests of the TOs on Groote were protected. In particular, there is very real risk is that royalty funds that could assist in reducing endemic disadvantage across Groote will instead be allocated to an investment in a mine that appears not to be commercially viable. In the worst case, royalty funds will be allocated to subsidising and/or concealing financial losses, and may vanish. In such a circumstance, it is unclear who the beneficiaries will be, but it is clear that they won’t include the general Groote Eylandt community. Moreover, in the worst case scenarios, when the community on Groote realise what they have lost, the recriminations will be severe and the implications for social cohesion will be significant.

 

There has clearly been a comprehensive failure to comply with generally accepted governance standards within the ALC. The Directors collectively must share responsibility. The senior levels of the bureaucracy, particularly NIAA, also share responsibility insofar as they have a responsibility to clearly and firmly advise Ministers when existing institutional frameworks are clearly not operating as intended or designed.

 

The NT Government and CLP Opposition must have a sense of what is going on, but both appear to be entirely focussed on their internal dysfunction and the forthcoming election. So too must members of the Senate Estimates Committee who appear to have been blithely blind to what is going on. However, the most serious failure must be sheeted home to the successive Commonwealth Ministers who have looked away when they should have asked questions and taken action. This is not just an issue about ensuring strict accountability or making technical adjustments to processes, it is about Governments stepping up and taking the hard decisions to assist the wider Groote community to take control of its future.  It is about prioritising the pursuit of good policy over playing politics.

 

I recently wrote to the  current Minister for Indigenous Australians recommending she take proactive action to ascertain what is occurring on Groote in relation to royalty management. In particular, I recommended inter alia that she initiate an independent forensic audit of the whole royalty allocation system on Groote. If the concerns outlined in this post are confirmed, and if she does nothing substantive, she too will own responsibility for whatever transpires over the next five years on Groote.

 

Finally, it strikes me that it is time that the Commonwealth commissioned a comprehensive and independent review of the operation of the Aboriginal Land Rights Act in the NT focussed on the effectiveness of the current policy architecture. In two years’ time the legislation will have been in place for fifty years. Much has changed in that time, in communities, in the NT, in Canberra, and beyond. Without regular review, the institutional arteries that permeate the legislation become sclerotic, institutional risks increase, deeper responsibilities are overlooked, and the various stakeholders involved may lose sight of the opportunities inherent but unrealised in the institutional structures legislated almost fifty years ago. The issues on Groote are likely replicated to a greater or lesser extent elsewhere.

 

A visionary minister and government would adopt a proactive stance, and not bury their head in the ground. Reform, whether deep change, or just a regular tune up, is best undertaken by those sympathetic to the aims of the policy structures in play, not by those fundamentally opposed.

 

16 March 2024

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